‘El Obeid crisis could be worse than El Fasher,’ warns ex-UN official
NewsFeed Dr. Mukesh Kapila, former UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan, warns the current crisis in El Obeid, Sudan could be even worse than what unfolded in El Fasher in 2024-2025. However, he says sustained international attention and Al Jazeera’s continued coverage could help deter the RSF. Published On 4 Jul 20264 Jul 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
Arias sends Colombia into World Cup last-16 with 1-0 win over Ghana
The World Cup Round of 32 ends with Colombia beating Ghana 1-0, as Jhon Arias sends the South Americans through. By Reuters Published On 4 Jul 20264 Jul 2026 Colombia beat Ghana 1-0 on Friday to reach the World Cup Round of 16, as Jhon Arias scored the only goal and set up a clash with Switzerland. Arias struck in the 14th minute from close range after a cross from Luis Suarez, who had just come on as a substitute for the injured Jhon Cordoba. Luis Diaz thought he had doubled Colombia’s advantage in the 56th minute, but the goal was ruled out for offside. Colombia dominated much of the match, with Ghana goalkeeper Lawrence Ati Zigi making three notable saves. The South Americans will face Switzerland in the last-16 on Tuesday in Vancouver. More to follow… Adblock test (Why?)
Ahead of Morocco vs Canada at the World Cup, comparisons arise with the 2022 team
Morocco’s historic run at the Qatar World Cup 2022 is remembered by some poignant, powerful and indelible images from their quarterfinal win over Portugal: a towering header – the match-winning goal by Youssef En-Nesyri – against Cristiano Ronaldo’s side, Hakim Ziyech’s mazy dribbles that put the 2016 European champions in a spin, and Soufiane Boufal’s dance with his mother on the pitch in the heartwarming post-match celebrations. Four years on, none of those players have made the trip to the World Cup in North America. In fact, the only holdovers from that memorable tournament are Achraf Hakimi, Noussair Mazraoui, Azzedine Ounahi, Bilal El-Khanouss and the goalkeepers. The then-celebrated manager, Walid Regragui, has been cast aside, too. Despite the radical changes, Morocco are yet to lose a match and have advanced to the Round of 16 after dispatching the Netherlands in a nervy penalty shootout on Monday. Comparisons between the classes of 2022 and 2026 were inevitable. They began at the end of the group stage, when it was pointed out that the Moroccan team of four years ago topped their group while this one failed to beat Haiti and Scotland by big enough margins to leapfrog Brazil in Group C. In order to truly impress the critics, the current generation may need to match or improve the semifinal run of 2022. Morocco of 2022: Experience and defensive tactics In 2022, the tactical plan was simple yet effective. Head coach Regragui was an emergency appointment following Bosnian manager Vahid Halilhodzic falling out with several players. Advertisement Regragui had less than three months before the start of the World Cup to select his players and implement a tactical plan. Realising that time was not on his side, he kept things simple. “Regragui’s team was more defensive,” Mohammad Alrfae, an analyst for Jordanian Premier League side Al Ahli SC, told Al Jazeera. “He had older, more experienced players from big European sides at his disposal.” In spite of their technical ability, the team showed no interest in dominating possession under Regragui during Qatar 2022. In fact, their highest possession percentage came in the only match they lost – against France in the semifinal. Morocco, under Regragui, were not as negative as some other sides employing the same tactics. They set their backline midway between their goal and midfield, as opposed to clustering deep in what is referred to as a low block but ceded possession in order to lure the opposition into their traps. En-Nesyri, the striker of the 2022 team won plaudits for his relentless work rate in preventing the opposition centre-backs from making easy passes to the midfield and forcing opposing teams into wide areas. Wider areas of the pitch were packed with standout players. The full-backs, who are still part of the 2026 team, Noussair Mazraoui and Hakimi teamed up with wingers and aimed to win the ball and launch dangerous counter-attacks. So effective were Morocco in blocking service to the middle areas of the pitch that opponents – particularly Portugal in the 1-0 quarterfinal loss – dropped deep to receive the ball, inhibiting their ability to attack. But what happened when Morocco faced lower-ranked teams? At two successive Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournaments, Morocco failed to lift the trophy, with an exit in the Round of 16 (2023) and a 1-0 loss in the 2025 edition, which they hosted. The final was a particularly testy affair, with Senegal seeing a goal ruled out in the dying moments of the match before Morocco were awarded a penalty. Incensed, the Senegalese marched off the pitch. Although Morocco missed the penalty and lost the match 1-0, they were declared AFCON champions after the on-field result was declared void and Morocco were handed a 3-0 forfeit by CAF. The result was later reversed and Morocco were declared champions under contentious circumstances. To make matters worse, Morocco faced a tournament-long allegation that the referees favoured Morocco. The hosts did not help their cause by requesting and receiving a change of referee before their quarterfinal encounter against Cameroon. Morocco of 2026: Faith in youth and offence Despite the controversial AFCON win, pressure kept mounting on Regragui with fans comparing the senior team with younger, more successful Moroccan sides. Advertisement Under the junior team manager Tarek Sektioui, Morocco bagged a bronze-medal finish at the Paris Olympics 2024, as well as lifting the winners’ trophies at the African Nations Championship 2024 and the FIFA Arab Cup 2025 with completely different squads. Similarly, Mohammed Ouhabi enjoyed success with the youth team by winning the FIFA Under-20 World Cup 2025. In a moment of deja vu, a last-minute coaching change was made in the lead-up to the World Cup. Regragui was out and Ouhabi was in with the aim of playing an expansive, rather than defensive, brand of football. According to Alrfae, squad selection has been the biggest indicator of change. “Ouhabi has picked a lot of young players,” adding: “Partially because he knows them but also because they fit his tactical approach.” Ouhabi relies on mobile players, all with lower profiles, who constantly switch positions and rotate around the pitch. The younger squad, with their nimble movements, made an instant impact in the World Cup, recording an impressive 1-1 draw against Brazil in their opening game. Experts believe it’s all part of a long-term plan. “I think Morocco made this change with an eye on the World Cup they will be hosting in 2030,” North African football journalist Maher Mezahi told Al Jazeera. Indeed, the average age of Morocco’s starting XI has hovered just below 26 years of age. None of the outfield starters are over 30 and half of them are 25 or younger. In their Round of 32 match, Morocco forced the Dutch to abandon their style of play and field five defenders to neutralise Morocco’s fluid movements. The change, according to Mezahi, was “an implicit admission” that Morocco were the stronger team. “The result proves that the 2022 World Cup was not a fluke
‘They gave their best’: Congolese reflect on historic World Cup run
Bunia, Democratic Republic of the Congo – DR Congo’s remarkable World Cup journey may have ended with defeat to England in the last 16, but for many Congolese, the Leopards have rewritten the country’s World Cup story. More than five decades after their only previous World Cup appearance, the Leopards united a country scarred by conflict, disease outbreaks and political uncertainty, mounting a fearless campaign that gave millions of Congolese a rare sense of unity. “It’s rare that I feel proud to be Congolese. During this World Cup, our national team made us proud, as if nothing were wrong. I believe I am witnessing the greatest generation in the history of the DRC,” Héritier Muyisa, a 28-year-old student in Bunia, told Al Jazeera. From Zaire in 1974 The contrast with 1974 could hardly have been sharper. Then playing as Zaire, the Leopards lost all three matches without scoring, suffering heavy defeats to Scotland, Yugoslavia and Brazil. “We were a great nation back then. Losing by such heavy score lines without scoring a single goal felt like a curse,” Lukambila Jacques, 65, who watched the Leopards’ first World Cup campaign, told Al Jazeera. No player embodied the Leopards’ revival more than Yoane Wissa. His three goals made him DR Congo’s first World Cup scorer and the country’s leading scorer in the tournament’s history. His towering header against Portugal ended a 52-year wait for a World Cup goal and convinced many supporters that the Leopards belonged on football’s biggest stage. Advertisement “I didn’t expect young people like them – like us – to make more than 100 million people proud,” Dorcas Mudimo, a 26-year-old resident of Bunia, told Al Jazeera after the defeat to England. “It’s a source of pride for the whole of Central Africa.” Making history The Leopards’ run was built on a series of milestones that steadily transformed hope into belief. The breakthrough against Portugal earned DR Congo a draw and sparked celebrations from Kinshasa and Goma to Bunia. In Bunia, since the start of the World Cup, many fans had been celebrating after every DR Congo match, but the game against England brought many streets to a standstill [Prosper Heri/Al Jazeera] “I thought we’d be content just to qualify for the World Cup. But our players showed we could compete with Portugal, Spain and other major nations,” Manassé Limbaya told Al Jazeera, describing the campaign as “stellar” from the qualifiers onwards. “We beat Cameroon and Nigeria before overcoming Jamaica in the intercontinental playoffs. That’s when we knew this team was capable of something special.” The Leopards drew with Portugal, beat Uzbekistan, and narrowly lost to Colombia before their dream ended against England in the round of 16. “My heart was racing throughout the match against England. They have world-class stars, but I knew we would give them a hard time,” Cephas Agbwabe, a resident of Bunia, told Al Jazeera. Final whistle Every DR Congo match drew packed crowds to Bunia’s viewing centres, where celebrations often spilled into the streets long after the final whistle. Against England, however, the mood shifted. As the match slipped away, the cheers faded. When the final whistle blew, many supporters stood silently, while others quietly walked home in their Leopards shirts, trying to absorb the end of a campaign that had exceeded almost every expectation. Despite ending the Leopards’ dream, England captain Harry Kane acknowledged the challenge posed by the Congolese side. “We spoke before about pounding the rock. That was our motto before the game. We knew there was going to be a tough rock to break down, and they proved it,” Kane said afterwards. DR Congo coach Sebastien Desabre focused less on the result and more on what his players had achieved. Every DR Congo match drew packed crowds to Bunia’s viewing centres, where celebrations often spilled into the streets long after the final whistle [Prosper Heri/Al Jazeera] “It’s true that we’re disappointed, because we believed we could do it,” the Frenchman told reporters. Advertisement “I think we played a good match. In the end, we conceded a few chances. One of the best players in the world scored two goals against us.” Desabre said the defeat reflected fine margins rather than a gulf in quality. “It’s time to give the players credit for what they’ve shown. We were perhaps beaten by a little bit of experience in the closing stages. That’s the nature of football. We learn, and we keep improving.” Pride endures For supporters in Bunia, elimination did little to diminish what the Leopards had achieved. Fifty-two years after leaving their only previous World Cup without a point or a goal, they returned to football’s biggest stage and showed they could compete with some of the world’s most established teams. “It was the first time I’d heard my country’s national anthem at a World Cup finals,” Agbwabe told Al Jazeera. “I hope, one day, I’ll tell my children I witnessed these glorious moments.” Adblock test (Why?)
Who are the rogue bishops defying Pope Leo XIV?
NewsFeed A rebel group of Roman Catholics has ordained its own bishops in direct defiance of Pope Leo XIV and the Vatican order. The Society of Saint Pius crisis has caused fears the Church could rupture. Soraya Lennie breaks it down. Published On 3 Jul 20263 Jul 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
Iran warns ships against using unapproved routes in Strait of Hormuz
Military command issues threat a day after Qatari mediators hailed ‘positive progress’ in indirect US-Iranian talks. Published On 3 Jul 20263 Jul 2026 Iran’s military command has threatened ships that attempt to cross the Strait of Hormuz using unapproved routes with a “forceful response,” casting new doubt over trade flows in the critical conduit for global energy supplies. Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters issued the threat on Thursday, a day after Qatari mediators hailed indirect negotiations between US and Iranian officials as making “positive progress” towards a peace deal. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list “Any failure to comply with and depart from the designated route or disregard for the navigation protocols of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Strait of Hormuz will be met with an immediate and forceful response from the armed forces, and will endanger the security of the offending vessels,” the military command said in a statement carried by the country’s semi-official Tasnim news agency. While Tehran did not specify what prompted the warning, it came after US Central Command (CENTCOM) on Wednesday said it had presided over a security dialogue in Bahrain during which regional leaders expressed their commitment to the “free flow of commerce” in the strait. Iranian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Kazem Gharibabadi hit out at CENTCOM’s statement on Thursday, saying the forum “cannot establish legal order and security for the Persian Gulf”. “The region’s security will be ensured through the end of interventions and the US withdrawal from the area, respect for countries’ sovereignty, and acceptance of new geopolitical realities – not under the military umbrella of America,” Gharibabadi said in a post on X. Advertisement The Strait of Hormuz, which facilitated about one-fifth of the global trade in oil and liquefied natural gas before the US-Israel war on Iran began in late February, has become a major sticking point in Washington and Tehran’s talks aimed at turning their fragile ceasefire into a lasting peace. While Iran agreed to make its “best efforts” to arrange the safe passage of ships in the strait in the memorandum of understanding it signed with the US on June 17, Tehran has repeatedly threatened to attack ships that do not use its preferred route close to the Iranian shoreline. At least 49 attacks on commercial vessels have been recorded in the strait since the start of the war on February 28, according to MarineTraffic. Most of those incidents, including drone attacks on a Singapore-flagged cargo ship and Panama-flagged merchant vessel on Thursday and Saturday, respectively, have been blamed on Tehran. While transits through the waterway have risen since US President Donald Trump and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian signed their MoU on June 17, they remain far below the roughly 130 daily crossings that took place before the conflict. At least 45 vessels crossed the strait on Wednesday, up from 34 on Tuesday, according to MarineTraffic data. After dropping to pre-war levels on Thursday on reports of productive talks in Doha, oil prices largely held steady as markets opened in Asia on Friday. Brent futures for August delivery stood at $72.07 per barrel as of 02:30 GMT, after dropping below $71 for the first time since the war the previous day. Adblock test (Why?)
Spain vs Austria LIVE: FIFA World Cup 2026
[unable to retrieve full-text content] Live coverage and text updates as Spain play Austria in Los Angeles in the Round of 32 knockout stage.
Into the Darkness
Fault Lines investigates allegations of systematic torture of Palestinian prisoners and detainees in Israeli custody. Into the Darkness investigates allegations that torture is used systematically against Palestinians held in the Israeli prison system and military detention facilities. Through powerful firsthand testimony, former detainees recount beatings, starvation, sexual violence, medical neglect and psychological abuse. The film follows the stories of Mohammad Ibrahim, a Palestinian American arrested at the age of 15 for throwing stones, and a former detainee from Gaza whose harrowing testimony details extreme sexual violence. Their accounts reveal the human cost of a detention system that rights groups and former prisoners say operates with impunity. Filmed across Gaza, the occupied West Bank, Tel Aviv, Florida and London, the documentary examines allegations that these practices are carried out under the authority of the Israeli military and Israeli officials, including National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. Published On 2 Jul 20262 Jul 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
What is the Society of St Pius X? Why Pope Leo excommunicated its bishops
The Vatican has declared the Society of St Pius X (SSPX) to be formally in ‘schism’ with the Catholic Church after the traditionalist group defied Pope Leo XIV by consecrating four bishops without papal approval. A schism is a formal break in the unity of the Catholic Church. It occurs when a person or group rejects the authority of the pope, whom Catholics believe is the successor to St Peter, one of Jesus’ 12 apostles. Recommended Stories list of 1 itemend of list In a decree issued on Thursday, the Vatican’s doctrinal office said the bishops involved, along with priests and lay members who knowingly adhere to the breakaway movement, had been excommunicated and no longer allowed to be members of the Church. It warned that the Swiss-based group’s celebration of the sacraments is now considered illicit and that it may no longer officiate marriages or hear confessions. The non-approved consecrations mark the latest flashpoint in a decades-long dispute between the Vatican and the SSPX, which broke with Rome after rejecting many of the Catholic Church’s modernising reforms introduced by the Second Vatican Council. Here is what we know: What has happened and what is a consecration? On Wednesday, the traditionalist Catholic group SSPX directly defied Pope Leo XIV by consecrating four new bishops without his papal consent. In the Catholic Church, the act of consecrating a bishop is a deeply symbolic religious ritual which confers the Holy Spirit from one bishop to another. During the consecration rite, the presiding bishop physically places his hands on the heads of the new bishops, a gesture that recalls the actions of Jesus Christ towards his apostles. As part of the ceremony, the newly consecrated men also receive the traditional symbols of their new authority, which include mitre hats and pastoral staffs. Advertisement The five-hour ceremony was held at an SSPX seminary in Econe, Switzerland, attended by an estimated 16,500 faithful followers. Priests lay their hands on the heads of the future priests during the ordination to the priesthood of the Society of St Pius X in Zaitzkofen, southern Germany [File: AFP] Despite a last-minute appeal from Pope Leo XIV, who warned in a letter on Tuesday that carrying out the consecrations without his approval would amount to a “sin of extreme gravity” that would ultimately harm the faithful, the group proceeded with the event. During a Mass, Bishop Alfonso de Galarreta administered the consecration rite to four new bishops, Pascal Schreiber, Michael Goldade, Michel Poinsinet de Sivry and Marc Hanappier. By participating in this ritual without a mandate from the pope, the new bishops and the consecrating bishop incurred automatic excommunication, which is the harshest penalty in the Catholic Church. The SSPX dismissed the resulting penalties, with a priest reading a statement that justified the consecrations as a necessary “sacred duty” to defend the traditional Catholic faith against modernising reforms. Outside the consecration ceremony for four new bishops in Switzerland [Baz Ratner/AP] What is the Society of St Pius X (SSPX)? SSPX is a traditionalist Catholic movement founded in 1970 by French Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre. It was established in opposition to many of the reforms introduced by the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II), particularly the move away from the traditional Latin Mass and broader efforts to modernise the Church. Today, the SSPX operates around the world with its own bishops, hundreds of priests, seminaries and religious communities. While it considers itself authentically Catholic, the Vatican has long maintained that it has no canonical status (officially recognised) within the Church. In a sermon on Wednesday, the Reverend Davide Pagliarani, the society’s superior general, acknowledged that many would view the consecration as an act of rebellion. “The greatest sacrifice that God can ask of us is that of being treated as rebels while we want to serve the church as a mother in difficulty, overwhelmed, suffering,” Father Pagliarani said. What is the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II)? The Second Vatican Council, commonly known as Vatican II, was a landmark gathering of Catholic bishops held between 1962 and 1965 which introduced sweeping reforms to help it engage better with the modern world. Among its most significant changes were allowing Mass to be celebrated in local languages instead of exclusively in Latin, and improving relations with Jews, other Christian denominations and followers of other religions. Advertisement Pope Leo XIV has repeatedly described Vatican II as containing “fundamental elements” of Catholic teaching. The SSPX, however, rejects several of the council’s key reforms, arguing they depart from longstanding Church tradition. The consecrations in Switzerland represent the most serious challenge to Pope Leo’s authority since his election last year and a major setback to his efforts to heal divisions within the Catholic Church. What does excommunication mean in the Catholic Church? Excommunication is the most severe penalty under Catholic canon law. The term derives from the Latin for “out of communion” with the Church. It bars a Catholic from receiving sacraments, getting married or holding Church office, among other measures. The Church considers excommunication a “medicinal” penalty. It is a temporary measure which can be lifted when the person at fault repents and asks for forgiveness. Nuns at the consecration ceremony for four new bishops in Econe [Baz Ratner/AP] Has this issue cropped up before? Yes. The current crisis closely mirrors events of 1988. That year, Archbishop Lefebvre, the founder of the SSPX, consecrated four bishops without the permission of Pope John Paul II. The Vatican declared the act schismatic and automatically excommunicated Lefebvre and the four new bishops. One of them was Alfonso de Galarreta, who presided over Wednesday’s consecration ceremony in Switzerland. In both cases, the SSPX deliberately consecrated bishops without papal approval to ensure the continuation of its leadership, despite Vatican opposition. Although Pope Benedict XVI lifted the 1988 excommunications in 2009 to encourage dialogue, the SSPX never obtained legal status within the Catholic Church. So, has the SSPX ever been part of the Catholic Church? Not officially. The SSPX considers itself Catholic, but the
‘Will not leave’: Is Israel killing the US-Iran MoU by staying in Lebanon?
As he visited troops in southern Lebanon on Tuesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that the military “will not leave” the area as long as the Iran-backed armed group Hezbollah remains a “threat” to his nation. A day earlier, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz also said Israel’s military will not withdraw “a millimetre” until Hezbollah is disarmed. Recommended Stories list of 3 itemsend of list But the Israeli stance is squarely at odds with the first clause of the US-Iran Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), which provides for an immediate, permanent halt to fighting on “all fronts”, including in Lebanon where Israeli forces have occupied approximately one-fifth of the country since early March. That provision has since been undercut by a separate US-brokered framework agreement between Israel and the Lebanese government, which doesn’t require Israeli forces to leave southern Lebanon or halt attacks – a deal Hezbollah has denounced. The result has been an entrenchment of Israel’s military presence in Lebanon, even as strikes have eased to avoid reigniting direct conflict with Iran. That leaves an open question: Is Israel’s position bluster for a domestic audience, or a hard line that could unravel the fragile MoU? We spoke to analysts to find out. [Al Jazeera] ‘Lose-lose’ for Netanyahu Behind Netanyahu’s combative language is an embattled prime minister managing a difficult balancing act, Cyrus Schayegh, professor of international history and politics at the Geneva Graduate Institute, told Al Jazeera. On the one hand, domestic politics has made Netanyahu reluctant to be seen as backing down from the war with Hezbollah, which began firing rockets into northern Israel soon after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed. Israel responded with force and has launched near-daily strikes, as well as an expanding ground invasion, ever since. Advertisement With elections expected around October, a hasty withdrawal from Lebanon could look like capitulation – and worse, an implicit admission that he only fell into line because of pressure from US President Donald Trump. But the other side of that “lose-lose” is Washington. Netanyahu, Schayegh says, understands exactly what Trump wants from him: to prevent the Israel-Hezbollah front from unravelling the broader US-Iran negotiations. Defying that expectation risks a rupture with the US at a moment when Israel can least afford one. Israeli security personnel remain on alert and scan the sky for an FPV drone in Metula, northern Israel, after Netanyahu ordered strikes on what his office described as Hezbollah targets in Beirut’s southern suburbs, according to a statement from his office [Atef Safadi/EPA] Iran’s ‘deep commitment’ Tehran has explicitly and repeatedly stated that Israel must fully withdraw from all occupied Lebanese territories before it will entertain signing any sort of peace deal with the US. Schayegh said this reflects Iran’s deep commitment to Hezbollah’s survival – the group has proven itself a vital strategic partner over the years, and the ties between Hezbollah’s leadership and the Iranian regime run deeper than pure strategy, reaching into socio-cultural and even family bonds. Hezbollah is a major issue for Iran, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and it has shown this by its willingness to strike northern Israel and block the Strait of Hormuz over the issue before, geopolitical analyst Joe Macaron told Al Jazeera. But that doesn’t mean Iran expects, or even wants, a full return to the pre-Gaza war status quo, Schayegh says. At least some in Tehran, he believes, understand that getting Israel out of Lebanon won’t mean restoring the arrangement that held before 2023, when the Lebanese army played little to no role in the south, and Hezbollah operated largely unchecked, a dynamic dating back to the 2006 war in which Israel also occupied southern Lebanon. That recognition, Schayegh argues, means the form Hezbollah’s precise posture and footprint in southern Lebanon takes isn’t treated by Tehran as non-negotiable. Instead, it functions as a bargaining chip, one Iran could potentially use incrementally, trading concessions step by step in a slow, deliberate, diplomatic process, he says, adding that although it’s “a delicate path” for Tehran to walk. Diminishing the power of Hezbollah in Lebanon, therefore, it is a path Iran may be prepared to navigate around rather than resist outright. Advertisement Still, Iran holding on to the Lebanon issue “as much as it could” was reportedly a sticking point that delayed the MoU in the first place, according to Ronnie Chatah, a political commentator, writer and host of The Beirut Banyan podcast. He told Al Jazeera it’s conceivable Iran could still make Lebanon “a heightened problem”, slowing a permanent deal with Washington unless there’s added pressure on Israel to at least appear to be withdrawing. Even so, Chatah doesn’t believe the current situation is enough to derail the MoU altogether. In the days since both agreements were signed, he said, there’s been no serious push by Iran to make Lebanon a priority and, despite Israel’s clear insistence it will stay as long as it sees a threat, he does not believe it will “jeopardise” the MoU. Hezbollah’s exclusion: ‘humiliating, shameful and a surrender’ Hezbollah was not involved in the framework agreement between Israeli and Lebanese officials. In fact, it was entirely excluded from the negotiations, which led to a deal being signed in Washington, DC. Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem has adamantly rejected the framework agreement, calling it “humiliating, shameful and a surrender of sovereignty”. As a party which has held seats in the Lebanese parliament since the mid-2000s, Schayegh noted, Hezbollah is not simply a “marionette” of Iran. But since Israel’s 2024 campaign in Lebanon, amid the Gaza war, which has massively weakened the armed group and killed much of its leadership, Iran has organisationally assumed a greater role. For Chatah, the real answers, therefore, lie not in Lebanon but in Iran. As the most important player in its “axis of resistance” across the region, Hezbollah represents Iran’s most “advanced investment” beyond its borders over the past four and a half