Texas Weekly Online

Into the Darkness

Into the Darkness

Fault Lines investigates allegations of systematic torture of Palestinian prisoners and detainees in Israeli custody. Into the Darkness investigates allegations that torture is used systematically against Palestinians held in the Israeli prison system and military detention facilities. Through powerful firsthand testimony, former detainees recount beatings, starvation, sexual violence, medical neglect and psychological abuse. The film follows the stories of Mohammad Ibrahim, a Palestinian American arrested at the age of 15 for throwing stones, and a former detainee from Gaza whose harrowing testimony details extreme sexual violence. Their accounts reveal the human cost of a detention system that rights groups and former prisoners say operates with impunity. Filmed across Gaza, the occupied West Bank, Tel Aviv, Florida and London, the documentary examines allegations that these practices are carried out under the authority of the Israeli military and Israeli officials, including National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. Published On 2 Jul 20262 Jul 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)

What is the Society of St Pius X? Why Pope Leo excommunicated its bishops

What is the Society of St Pius X? Why Pope Leo excommunicated its bishops

The Vatican has declared the Society of St Pius X (SSPX) to be formally in ‘schism’ with the Catholic Church after the traditionalist group defied Pope Leo XIV by consecrating four bishops without papal approval. A schism is a formal break in the unity of the Catholic Church. It occurs when a person or group rejects the authority of the pope, whom Catholics believe is the successor to St Peter, one of Jesus’ 12 apostles. Recommended Stories list of 1 itemend of list In a decree issued on Thursday, the Vatican’s doctrinal office said the bishops involved, along with priests and lay members who knowingly adhere to the breakaway movement, had been excommunicated and no longer allowed to be members of the Church. It warned that the Swiss-based group’s celebration of the sacraments is now considered illicit and that it may no longer officiate marriages or hear confessions. The non-approved consecrations mark the latest flashpoint in a decades-long dispute between the Vatican and the SSPX, which broke with Rome after rejecting many of the Catholic Church’s modernising reforms introduced by the Second Vatican Council. Here is what we know: What has happened and what is a consecration? On Wednesday, the traditionalist Catholic group SSPX directly defied Pope Leo XIV by consecrating four new bishops without his papal consent. In the Catholic Church, the act of consecrating a bishop is a deeply symbolic religious ritual which confers the Holy Spirit from one bishop to another. During the consecration rite, the presiding bishop physically places his hands on the heads of the new bishops, a gesture that recalls the actions of Jesus Christ towards his apostles. As part of the ceremony, the newly consecrated men also receive the traditional symbols of their new authority, which include mitre hats and pastoral staffs. Advertisement The five-hour ceremony was held at an SSPX seminary in Econe, Switzerland, attended by an estimated 16,500 faithful followers. Priests lay their hands on the heads of the future priests during the ordination to the priesthood of the Society of St Pius X in Zaitzkofen, southern Germany [File: AFP] Despite a last-minute appeal from Pope Leo XIV, who warned in a letter on Tuesday that carrying out the consecrations without his approval would amount to a “sin of extreme gravity” that would ultimately harm the faithful, the group proceeded with the event. During a Mass, Bishop Alfonso de Galarreta administered the consecration rite to four new bishops, Pascal Schreiber, Michael Goldade, Michel Poinsinet de Sivry and Marc Hanappier. By participating in this ritual without a mandate from the pope, the new bishops and the consecrating bishop incurred automatic excommunication, which is the harshest penalty in the Catholic Church. The SSPX dismissed the resulting penalties, with a priest reading a statement that justified the consecrations as a necessary “sacred duty” to defend the traditional Catholic faith against modernising reforms. Outside the consecration ceremony for four new bishops in Switzerland [Baz Ratner/AP] What is the Society of St Pius X (SSPX)? SSPX is a traditionalist Catholic movement founded in 1970 by French Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre. It was established in opposition to many of the reforms introduced by the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II), particularly the move away from the traditional Latin Mass and broader efforts to modernise the Church. Today, the SSPX operates around the world with its own bishops, hundreds of priests, seminaries and religious communities. While it considers itself authentically Catholic, the Vatican has long maintained that it has no canonical status (officially recognised) within the Church. In a sermon on Wednesday, the Reverend Davide Pagliarani, the society’s superior general, acknowledged that many would view the consecration as an act of rebellion. “The greatest sacrifice that God can ask of us is that of being treated as rebels while we want to serve the church as a mother in difficulty, overwhelmed, suffering,” Father Pagliarani said. What is the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II)? The Second Vatican Council, commonly known as Vatican II, was a landmark gathering of Catholic bishops held between 1962 and 1965 which introduced sweeping reforms to help it engage better with the modern world. Among its most significant changes were allowing Mass to be celebrated in local languages instead of exclusively in Latin, and improving relations with Jews, other Christian denominations and followers of other religions. Advertisement Pope Leo XIV has repeatedly described Vatican II as containing “fundamental elements” of Catholic teaching. The SSPX, however, rejects several of the council’s key reforms, arguing they depart from longstanding Church tradition. The consecrations in Switzerland represent the most serious challenge to Pope Leo’s authority since his election last year and a major setback to his efforts to heal divisions within the Catholic Church. What does excommunication mean in the Catholic Church? Excommunication is the most severe penalty under Catholic canon law. The term derives from the Latin for “out of communion” with the Church. It bars a Catholic from receiving sacraments, getting married or holding Church office, among other measures. The Church considers excommunication a “medicinal” penalty. It is a temporary measure which can be lifted when the person at fault repents and asks for forgiveness. Nuns at the consecration ceremony for four new bishops in Econe [Baz Ratner/AP] Has this issue cropped up before? Yes. The current crisis closely mirrors events of 1988. That year, Archbishop Lefebvre, the founder of the SSPX, consecrated four bishops without the permission of Pope John Paul II. The Vatican declared the act schismatic and automatically excommunicated Lefebvre and the four new bishops. One of them was Alfonso de Galarreta, who presided over Wednesday’s consecration ceremony in Switzerland. In both cases, the SSPX deliberately consecrated bishops without papal approval to ensure the continuation of its leadership, despite Vatican opposition. Although Pope Benedict XVI lifted the 1988 excommunications in 2009 to encourage dialogue, the SSPX never obtained legal status within the Catholic Church. So, has the SSPX ever been part of the Catholic Church? Not officially. The SSPX considers itself Catholic, but the

‘Will not leave’: Is Israel killing the US-Iran MoU by staying in Lebanon?

‘Will not leave’: Is Israel killing the US-Iran MoU by staying in Lebanon?

As he visited troops in southern Lebanon on Tuesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that the military “will not leave” the area as long as the Iran-backed armed group Hezbollah remains a “threat” to his nation. A day earlier, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz also said Israel’s military will not withdraw “a millimetre” until Hezbollah is disarmed. Recommended Stories list of 3 itemsend of list But the Israeli stance is squarely at odds with the first clause of the US-Iran Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), which provides for an immediate, permanent halt to fighting on “all fronts”, including in Lebanon where Israeli forces have occupied approximately one-fifth of the country since early March. That provision has since been undercut by a separate US-brokered framework agreement between Israel and the Lebanese government, which doesn’t require Israeli forces to leave southern Lebanon or halt attacks – a deal Hezbollah has denounced. The result has been an entrenchment of Israel’s military presence in Lebanon, even as strikes have eased to avoid reigniting direct conflict with Iran. That leaves an open question: Is Israel’s position bluster for a domestic audience, or a hard line that could unravel the fragile MoU? We spoke to analysts to find out. [Al Jazeera] ‘Lose-lose’ for Netanyahu Behind Netanyahu’s combative language is an embattled prime minister managing a difficult balancing act, Cyrus Schayegh, professor of international history and politics at the Geneva Graduate Institute, told Al Jazeera. On the one hand, domestic politics has made Netanyahu reluctant to be seen as backing down from the war with Hezbollah, which began firing rockets into northern Israel soon after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed. Israel responded with force and has launched near-daily strikes, as well as an expanding ground invasion, ever since. Advertisement With elections expected around October, a hasty withdrawal from Lebanon could look like capitulation – and worse, an implicit admission that he only fell into line because of pressure from US President Donald Trump. But the other side of that “lose-lose” is Washington. Netanyahu, Schayegh says, understands exactly what Trump wants from him: to prevent the Israel-Hezbollah front from unravelling the broader US-Iran negotiations. Defying that expectation risks a rupture with the US at a moment when Israel can least afford one. Israeli security personnel remain on alert and scan the sky for an FPV drone in Metula, northern Israel, after Netanyahu ordered strikes on what his office described as Hezbollah targets in Beirut’s southern suburbs, according to a statement from his office [Atef Safadi/EPA] Iran’s ‘deep commitment’ Tehran has explicitly and repeatedly stated that Israel must fully withdraw from all occupied Lebanese territories before it will entertain signing any sort of peace deal with the US. Schayegh said this reflects Iran’s deep commitment to Hezbollah’s survival – the group has proven itself a vital strategic partner over the years, and the ties between Hezbollah’s leadership and the Iranian regime run deeper than pure strategy, reaching into socio-cultural and even family bonds. Hezbollah is a major issue for Iran, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and it has shown this by its willingness to strike northern Israel and block the Strait of Hormuz over the issue before, geopolitical analyst Joe Macaron told Al Jazeera. But that doesn’t mean Iran expects, or even wants, a full return to the pre-Gaza war status quo, Schayegh says. At least some in Tehran, he believes, understand that getting Israel out of Lebanon won’t mean restoring the arrangement that held before 2023, when the Lebanese army played little to no role in the south, and Hezbollah operated largely unchecked, a dynamic dating back to the 2006 war in which Israel also occupied southern Lebanon. That recognition, Schayegh argues, means the form Hezbollah’s precise posture and footprint in southern Lebanon takes isn’t treated by Tehran as non-negotiable. Instead, it functions as a bargaining chip, one Iran could potentially use incrementally, trading concessions step by step in a slow, deliberate, diplomatic process, he says, adding that although it’s “a delicate path” for Tehran to walk. Diminishing the power of Hezbollah in Lebanon, therefore, it is a path Iran may be prepared to navigate around rather than resist outright. Advertisement Still, Iran holding on to the Lebanon issue “as much as it could” was reportedly a sticking point that delayed the MoU in the first place, according to Ronnie Chatah, a political commentator, writer and host of The Beirut Banyan podcast. He told Al Jazeera it’s conceivable Iran could still make Lebanon “a heightened problem”, slowing a permanent deal with Washington unless there’s added pressure on Israel to at least appear to be withdrawing. Even so, Chatah doesn’t believe the current situation is enough to derail the MoU altogether. In the days since both agreements were signed, he said, there’s been no serious push by Iran to make Lebanon a priority and, despite Israel’s clear insistence it will stay as long as it sees a threat, he does not believe it will “jeopardise” the MoU. Hezbollah’s exclusion: ‘humiliating, shameful and a surrender’ Hezbollah was not involved in the framework agreement between Israeli and Lebanese officials. In fact, it was entirely excluded from the negotiations, which led to a deal being signed in Washington, DC. Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem has adamantly rejected the framework agreement, calling it “humiliating, shameful and a surrender of sovereignty”. As a party which has held seats in the Lebanese parliament since the mid-2000s, Schayegh noted, Hezbollah is not simply a “marionette” of Iran. But since Israel’s 2024 campaign in Lebanon, amid the Gaza war, which has massively weakened the armed group and killed much of its leadership, Iran has organisationally assumed a greater role. For Chatah, the real answers, therefore, lie not in Lebanon but in Iran. As the most important player in its “axis of resistance” across the region, Hezbollah represents Iran’s most “advanced investment” beyond its borders over the past four and a half

Is Ukraine’s campaign of targeting Russian refineries working?

Is Ukraine’s campaign of targeting Russian refineries working?

Long-range Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian oil refineries have resulted in serious fuel shortages across the country. They compelled Moscow, a major hydrocarbon producer, to begin purchasing fuel abroad. Ukraine has also disrupted Russian supply routes north of the Sea of Azov, causing acute fuel shortages and blackouts in the occupied Crimean peninsula. The attacks have generated spectacular videos of refineries on fire and clickbait headlines claiming that “Russia is losing”. But what they have failed to achieve so far is changing Russian President Vladimir Putin’s calculus. After a long silence, Putin recently admitted that the strikes were indeed painful for Russia. But rather than moderating his conditions for a peace settlement, as Ukraine and its allies hoped he would, he staged a show of defiance and performative confidence. In a statement issued on June 23, he made clear he has not stepped back from his demands. He wants the peace treaty to be based on the framework agreement Ukraine and Russia developed during the Istanbul talks in the spring of 2022, a few months into Russia’s all-out aggression. These included Ukraine’s neutrality and a cap on the size of its military, among other conditions. But there are additional demands that have piled up over the four and a half years of war. This is what Putin refers to as “reality on the ground”, which stands for all the land Russia has occupied so far. Moscow wants to keep it. And on top of that, he is adding another euphemism: “Anchorage modality”, a reference to the frameworks surrounding the inconclusive Alaska summit between Putin and US President Donald Trump in August 2025. What it stands for is the Russian demand presented at the summit – that Ukraine must withdraw from the parts of the Donbas region which it still controls. Advertisement Finally, Putin has ominously extended his territorial demands beyond Donbas to what he calls Novorossiya – a vague geographical term derived from the name of the province that existed in imperial Russia on the territory of today’s southern Ukraine. The vagueness is probably intentional: interpretations may range from the maximalist goal of capturing the port city of Odesa to a modest, but still painful one for Ukraine – demanding that Kyiv withdraw from the unoccupied part of Zaporizhia region, in addition to the Donbas. Putin’s decision to double down on his demands likely rests on the fact that the situation in the country remains relatively stable. For all the dramatic visuals of burning refineries and queues at gasoline stations, most Russians have seen worse in their lifetimes. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, the country witnessed nationwide political upheaval, which was followed by two wars in Chechnya and multiple bloody terror attacks like the Dubrovka theatre and Beslan school sieges. In terms of economic hardship, the vast majority of Russians are still enjoying a lifestyle comparable with that of poorer European Union countries and contrasting sharply with what they endured throughout the 1990s. Most importantly, their war experience is aeons apart from that of the Ukrainians – who have been exposed to far more brutal Russian aerial strikes, wintering in unheated apartments and dodging violent conscription gangs hunting for men in the streets of Ukrainian towns and villages. Ukraine itself is the best illustration of what a post-Soviet country can endure without challenging the government in mass protests or army mutinies. Russia itself deployed the same tactics of targeting refineries against Ukraine early on in the war. The Ukrainians adapted, so, too, will the Russians. Fuel shortages create pain, but Russian oil and gas production remains intact. It serves as a backbone of the economy, ensuring the country’s ability to wage war while adapting to challenges posed by Ukraine and the Western alliance. As a March paper on the prospects of Russian oil production by the US think tank, the Carnegie Center asserts, Russia’s challenges are “well within the Kremlin’s and the oil industry’s ability to cope with headwinds and adversity” over the next three to five years, which are critical for winning the war. In the months following the paper’s publication, Russia filled up its coffers with billions of extra petrodollars, thanks to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran. It is now in an even better position. Advertisement Ukraine, on the other hand, is entirely dependent on Western aid, which it finds harder and harder to obtain. After losing its main funder, the United States, it is now existentially reliant on European governments – especially the British, French and German – which themselves are coming under strong pressure from the far right to stop financing Ukraine. Last week, Zelenskyy announced a 40-day “influence operation”, meaning more drone strikes, to coerce Russia into agreeing to settle the conflict on conditions more favourable to Ukraine. But Russia is not turning the other cheek. It has embarked on a campaign of its own to knock out petrol stations on the left bank of the Dnipro River to suffocate supplies for the Ukrainian army and civilians. Ukraine and its Western allies may come up with another surprise move that could cause much pain to Russia. But there is a fair chance that Zelenskyy’s 40-day campaign will see mixed results and the big picture may not radically change from the one we are observing today. The most crucial success that Ukraine has failed to achieve yet is stopping the Russian ground offensive. While Western media is trumpeting Moscow’s anticipated defeat, Russian troops are busy finalising the capture of Kostiantynivka, the first in a chain of industrial cities that form the northern Donbas agglomeration, the main prize of the current stage of the war. It is apparent from official and expert Russian commentary that Russia sees the Ukrainian drone campaign primarily as a PR surge aimed at convincing US President Donald Trump to restart support for Ukraine. Like many longtime Ukraine watchers, the Russians also have an acute sense of deja vu – similar PR surges accompanied Ukraine’s

Cape Verde: All to know before FIFA World Cup knockout against Argentina

Cape Verde: All to know before FIFA World Cup knockout against Argentina

An island nation of just over half a million inhabitants, Cape Verde pulled off the unthinkable by reaching the last 32. Published On 1 Jul 20261 Jul 2026 Five wins to go. How can your team reach the final and win the World Cup 2026? Click here to find out. For decades, Cape Verde was known simply for its crystal clear waters and white sandy beaches. Recommended Stories list of 3 itemsend of list But a football fairytale in North America in June has exponentially raised the profile of this tiny island nation across the globe. Cape Verde turned their fans from dreamers to believers, writing a story for the ages when the World Cup debutants became the smallest country to reach the knockout stages of the competition. Come Friday, the archipelago of 10 islands in the Atlantic Ocean will face reigning champions Argentina in a contest likened to a David vs Goliath battle. Here’s all to know about Cape Verde: Where is Cape Verde? Cape Verde is an island nation off the western coast of Africa. How have Cape Verde performed at the 2026 World Cup? Cape Verde pulled off the unthinkable by reaching the World Cup knockouts, finishing second in a tricky group. They registered three points, holding each of the title favourites Spain, former champions Uruguay and Saudi Arabia to a draw. That was enough to send them to the last 32. Cape Verde’s Dailon Livramento celebrates after their final group match as they qualify for the knockout stages of the World Cup [Troy Taormina/Imagn Images via Reuters] Why is Cape Verde’s World Cup run historic? As an nation of just more than half a million inhabitants, expectations were low for Cape Verde on their World Cup debut. But, following a fairytale run in the African qualifiers, the Blue Sharks lived up to their giant-killing reputation, and continue their dream run in North America. Advertisement They are the smallest nation to reach the knockouts in the World Cup’s 96-year history. Cape Verde’s success has been in the planning for a while, with a football talent recruitment strategy built on tapping into its large diaspora community of promising players. Of the starting 11 that were on the field for their 0-0 draw with Saudi Arabia in the final group game, six were born outside the country. Three were born in the Netherlands, and the others were from the Republic of Ireland, France and Portugal. When do Cape Verde play Argentina? Cape Verde face title holders Argentina in the round of 32 on Friday in Miami. The match begins at 5pm (22:00 GMT). Who is Cape Verde’s goalkeeper Vozinha? Cape Verde’s 40-year-old goalkeeper Vozinha has been arguably the hero of their maiden World Cup campaign, keeping two clean sheets in three games. He remarkably made seven saves in their goalless draw with European champions Spain, keeping the talented Lamine Yamal at bay. His impeccable display between the sticks made him an overnight sensation on social media – Vozinha’s Instagram follower count has jumped from a modest 500,000 to 17.4 million, as of Wednesday. That is more than some of the most famous sportspeople in the world, including NFL legend Tom Brady and NBA star Victor Wembanyama. Vozinha of Cape Verde has become a huge fan favourite at the 2026 World Cup [Michael Steele/Getty Images/AFP] Who are Cape Verde’s best players? Apart from Vozinha – whose real name is Josimar Jose Evora Dias – Cape Verde’s centre-back Diney Borges and defensive midfielder Kevin Pina have played a crucial role in their success so far. Pina also scored once, along with Helio Varela. The 2026 World Cup is not Cape Verde’s first major tournament. They have played at four Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), the continent’s showpiece footballing event. Cape Verde’s best result was reaching the quarterfinals in their inaugural campaign in 2013, as well as at their last appearance in 2023. They also came close to qualifying for the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, but were ultimately eliminated in the last match of the group phase. What is Cape Verde’s FIFA world ranking? Cape Verde is ranked 64th. Why are Cape Verde called the Blue Sharks? Their football team is nicknamed “Tubaroes Azuis” – Portuguese for “Blue Sharks”. It is a moniker for the majestic blue sharks that inhabit Cape Verde’s surrounding Atlantic waters, with the archipelago home to several species of sharks and rays. A supporter of the ‘Blue Sharks’ [Ronaldo Schemidt/AFP] Adblock test (Why?)

UN chief fears for ‘millions’ of Palestinians amid UNRWA funding shortfall

UN chief fears for ‘millions’ of Palestinians amid UNRWA funding shortfall

Antonio Guterres denounces ‘disinformation, smear campaigns’ against the UN agency for Palestinian refugees. By Reuters, AFP and Al Jazeera Published On 1 Jul 20261 Jul 2026 United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has called on countries to cover a $100m gap in funding for the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, ⁠saying that millions of people are at risk due to the shortfall. The UN chief said on Tuesday that UNRWA’s situation was increasingly precarious due to the large funding shortfall and sweeping restrictions by Israel on the agency’s work throughout the occupied Palestinian territory. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list “As we meet here today, the safety and welfare of millions of Palestine refugees hangs in the balance,” Guterres told a donor conference on the UN agency. Guterres referred to the “utterly appalling” living conditions in Gaza, violence by Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank, and Israeli attacks on Lebanon, where many Palestinian refugees have sought shelter. “[UNRWA] faces sweeping restrictions throughout the occupied Palestinian territory. And a cash shortfall that imperils its work across the region,” he said. Because of insufficient funding, UNRWA, which was created by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in 1949 to help Palestinians forced from their homes at the founding of Israel, has been forced to scale back its operations. The secretary-general said that further funding cuts for UNRWA could “push conditions beyond breaking point”. UNRWA works in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, providing aid, schooling, healthcare, social services and shelter to 2.6 million Palestinian refugees. The United States was UNRWA’s biggest donor but cut funding in January 2024 after Israel alleged – without providing evidence – that a small number of UNRWA staff took part in the deadly October 7, 2023, ‌attack by Hamas on southern Israel. Advertisement An investigation of the allegations by the UN’s Office of Internal Oversight Services found that nine UNRWA employees “may have been involved” in the attack. The investigation focused on 19 staff members that Israel had made accusations against and found either no evidence, or insufficient evidence, against the other 10. Guterres said the agency’s funding shortfall jeopardised its ability to meet its mandate, which was renewed by the UNGA six months ago with overwhelming member support. “They cannot keep going like this without urgent backing and financial support from member states,” Guterres said, noting that the agency had taken decisive steps to implement reforms and update its policy on outside ⁠and political activities following Israel’s accusations. “UNRWA is a stabilising force in an age of ⁠instability,” he said, rejecting what he called continued efforts to undermine the agency through “disinformation, smear campaigns, legislative actions, operational restrictions, diplomatic roadblocks and more”. Such actions threatened the wellbeing of millions of Palestinians as well as the agency’s staff, Guterres said, noting that 390 UNRWA personnel had been killed by Israel in Gaza ⁠since October 2023. UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said the results of ‌the ‌meeting on voluntary contributions to UNRWA would be announced on Wednesday. Speaking at the meeting, Turkiye’s permanent representative to the UN, Ahmet Yildiz, also said that UNRWA was facing unprecedented political attacks and obstruction of its work, while its staff and facilities were the focus of physical assaults by Israel in Gaza and across the occupied territory. According to the Turkish news agency Anadolu, Yildiz said Israel’s actions were “blatant violations of international law”, designed “to deprive Palestinian refugees of their right to return to their land”. Adblock test (Why?)

Mercury’s Thomas says received online abuse following WNBA suspension

Mercury’s Thomas says received online abuse following WNBA suspension

Mercury forward Alyssa Thomas was suspended for a game after making contact with her fist on Caitlin Clark’s throat. By The Associated Press Published On 1 Jul 20261 Jul 2026 Phoenix Mercury forward Alyssa Thomas says she has received death threats and been called racial slurs in the aftermath of her one-game suspension after she made contact with her fist to Caitlin Clark’s throat in last week’s WNBA match against Indiana. Thomas also criticised WNBA Commissioner Cathy Engelbert for not doing more to protect the league’s players when she spoke with reporters on Tuesday at the team’s practice facility. “It’s unfortunate that it’s come to this over basketball,” Thomas said. “A lot of us – myself included – didn’t even know the play took place until after the game. Now we’re being painted as thugs. There are death threats out on us. It’s really unacceptable. It’s something that needs to change in this league, and I’m just really sick and tired of it.” Engelbert released a statement Tuesday night. “The WNBA vehemently condemns any and all forms of hate. The safety and well-being of everyone in our community is always the league’s top priority,” Engelbert said. “We are aware of Alyssa Thomas’ comments, and what she and her teammates have experienced is completely unacceptable and not representative of the WNBA community. The league and our security team have been in contact with the Phoenix Mercury organisation and remain committed to protecting all players.” Thomas called the play a “complete accident”, but said her main concern was not the suspension. The six-time All-Star said she did not know she was being suspended until 10 minutes before it was released on social media. Advertisement “It’s not even about the suspension,” Thomas said. “If that’s what they felt was necessary in that moment, then so be it. But I think there are a lot of other plays that you can say the same about. The biggest thing is about our safety. “We’re so concerned about the safety on the court, but time and time again, we’re having people threaten our lives. Leaking addresses out there. Putting crazy pictures that have nothing to do with basketball.” The play happened with 6:52 left in the second quarter in a game against Clark’s Indiana Fever on Wednesday and was deemed to be a non-basketball act. The league gave Thomas a Flagrant Foul 2 penalty for it. No foul was called on the play by officials in the moment. The WNBA is allowed to review a game to reclassify a Flagrant Foul, or to classify as Flagrant any foul not called as such during a game. “People are sending racial slurs and all types of stuff,” Thomas said. “There’s a difference between trolling, and there’s a difference between hatred. The hatred that we’re experiencing over a play that, honestly, was a complete accident – no one even knew it happened. It’s just unfortunate. The league has to do better in this instance.” Thomas served her suspension on Saturday, when the Mercury visited the Toronto Tempo. The Fever renewed their call for player safety in a statement on Thursday. The two teams had played a few days before the Thomas-Clark incident, and there were six technical fouls called and one ejection. Clark picked up her fifth technical of the season in that game. The team petitioned the league to have it rescinded, but the WNBA confirmed that the technical will stand. “It was egregious. The fact that it was a no-call… You’ve got to call it,” Fever coach Stephanie White said after the game. “You’re coming in here aware of what happened two nights ago, and that [expletive] still happens? Absolutely unacceptable.” The Mercury and Fever play again on July 9 in Phoenix. Adblock test (Why?)

USA face Bosnia in World Cup knockouts, with pride, credentials on the line

USA face Bosnia in World Cup knockouts, with pride, credentials on the line

A year ago, not even the famously bold Zlatan Ibrahimovic believed that the United States could contend for the World Cup title. His view changed after the cohosts won their first two games to clinch top spot in Group D less than 10 days into the tournament. “If you didn’t believe before, I will repeat: start believing,” Ibrahimovic said on a recent television broadcast. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list Ibra – as the Swedish football icon is known – and the USA were handed a reality check in a 3-2 loss to Turkiye on Thursday night in Inglewood, California. However, the result did little to dampen the team’s enthusiasm. “Next round is a clean slate,” USA defender Mark McKenzie said. “Again, we want to go far in this thing; we want to win the whole thing. We understand there’s work to be done. We’ve got a team full of hungry guys ready to make that happen.” The USA have a chance to regain momentum and credibility against Bosnia and Herzegovina in the round of 32 in Santa Clara, California, on Wednesday. Faces, formation and flair Last June, though, USA were in the midst of a four-game losing streak that included a 2-1 defeat to Turkiye in front of a predominantly Turkish crowd of 34,023 in East Hartford, Connecticut. While USA still cannot defeat the Turks, they did not face any problems against Paraguay and Australia, winning their first two World Cup matches for the first time since 1930. So, what changed? First, Mauricio Pochettino figured out his lineup. Only four players remain in the starting XI from a year ago: goalkeeper Matt Freese, defenders Alex Freeman and Chris Richards, and midfielder Malik Tillman. Advertisement Pochettino prefers a 4-2-3-1 formation on the pitch but has used a three-at-the-back setup instead, allowing Freeman and Antonee Robinson to add wing support for Christian Pulisic and Sergino Dest. Freeman earned his first cap at right-back against Turkiye last year, and has seldom been out of the lineup since. Robinson, slowed by injury a year ago, is coming off a strong English Premier League season with Fulham. In central defence, veteran Tim Ream, 38, adds composure, paired with Richards. Tyler Adams and Weston McKennie team with Tillman in midfield. Up front, it is Folarin Balogun, flanked by Dest and Pulisic, or Ricardo Pepi. Also, Pochettino adjusted tactics to personnel. Forget building out of the back or playing patiently through midfield. This USA team signals its all-out, high-pressing approach from the outset. The plan is to concede a throw-in, daring opponents to try a way out of the press. Pochettino copied the launch-it-over-the-touchline idea from one of his former teams, Paris Saint-Germain. So, it is all-out, over-aggressive chasing, double- and triple-teaming. And that poses risks, chief among them, players being nutmeg victims. Several times against Paraguay, USA players were left flat-footed as the ball went under their legs, but it mattered little, since a teammate or two was usually there to help out. Does Pochettino’s team risk making it a habit of getting nutmegged? It happened on a deciding sequence against Turkiye, as Arda Guler got through Christian Pulisic to help set up Kaan Ayhan’s winner. It ended in a second loss in a year against Turkiye, this time before a celebrity-studded, 70,492 crowd fully expecting another USA success. Christian Pulisic has been the poster boy of the US team [Jose Breton/Pics Action/NurPhoto] One step further The hosts will need to be able to switch gears, exhibit patience, and vary the speed of the game. High energy and high pressing are not enough to bring down better competition. The USA now have three wins, 15 losses and seven draws against European teams, and only one victory since 1950. The Americans will not be able to avoid European foes for much longer, starting with Bosnia on Wednesday. They can look for inspiration towards the 2002 team, which also started the tournament in Qatar strongly and reached the quarterfinals. In the group stage then, the USA surprised Portugal (3-2), drew with South Korea (1-1), then fell to Poland (3-1). In the round of 16, they blanked southern neighbours Mexico (2-0), before falling to Germany (1-0), a potential Gregg Berhalter equaliser cleared off the line on a Torsten Frings suspected handball. Advertisement Winning the whole thing might be a stretch, and former USA, Everton and Manchester United goalkeeper Tim Howard’s reasoning probably should be considered. “The US cannot, unequivocally, win the World Cup,” Howard said on the Unfiltered Soccer podcast. “The US will have to play the greatest game they’ve ever played, four games in a row: round of 16, quarterfinals, semifinals, finals. It’s literally impossible for the USA to win the World Cup. That’s just the reality.” There is a visible and obvious surge in support for the team, and it has put an extra spring in its step as USA presses forward. All the yelling, screaming and exhortations have been energising, but that does not necessarily encourage skilful play or tactical awareness. And, wholesale lineup changes or not, the loss should serve as a wake-up call. Adblock test (Why?)

Trump: US envoys enroute to Doha for ‘perhaps important’ Iran meeting

Trump: US envoys enroute to Doha for ‘perhaps important’ Iran meeting

NewsFeed President Donald Trump said US negotiators are heading to Qatar for what he called a ‘perhaps important’ meeting. The talks follow recent attacks that strained the Strait of Hormuz ceasefire. The US and Iran have until about mid-August to reach a permanent peace deal. Published On 30 Jun 202630 Jun 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)