Why Mali’s northern conflict has entered a dangerous new phase
Bamako, Mali – An unprecedented battlefield partnership between a separatist movement and an al-Qaeda affiliate has transformed the conflict in northern Mali, shifting the military balance and deepening divisions over how, if at all, the war can end. When the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) launched a joint offensive on April 25, 2026, the conflict entered a phase unlike any before. A war that had long pitted the Malian state against multiple armed groups gave way to a coordinated campaign stretching from Kidal and Anefis to Tilemsi, Gao and Sevare, posing the most serious challenge to the Malian army in years and to Russia’s Africa Corps, the Kremlin-backed force that replaced the Wagner Group in Mali. Since then, the fighting has been marked by simultaneous assaults, ambushes, drone strikes and attacks on military convoys, with all sides claiming significant battlefield gains. Bamako says it is working to restore state authority and dismantle what it calls a “terrorist alliance” between the FLA and JNIM. The FLA says it remains committed to independence for Azawad, the name separatists use for northern Mali, while JNIM portrays the war as part of a campaign to “liberate” Mali and overthrow the government, which it accuses of relying on Russian forces. More significant than the offensive itself, however, is the unprecedented military cooperation between a nationalist separatist movement and an al-Qaeda affiliate. Their political ambitions remain fundamentally different, yet their cooperation has already reshaped the conflict and could have far-reaching implications for security across the Sahel. The partnership emerged after the collapse of the 2015 Algiers Peace Agreement, which sought to end years of fighting between Bamako and northern armed groups through greater decentralisation and political representation, but whose implementation repeatedly faltered. Successive military coups after 2020 reshaped Mali’s political leadership and security strategy. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) suspended Mali and imposed sanctions, while Russia deepened its military role by deploying the Wagner Group in late 2021. After Russia folded the Wagner Group’s operations into the state-controlled Africa Corps, renewed fighting left neither the government nor northern armed groups able to impose a lasting settlement. How the alliance took shape On paper, cooperation between the FLA and JNIM appears unlikely. The FLA traces its roots to northern separatist movements that declared the independence of Azawad during the 2012 rebellion, a claim never recognised by the Malian state or the international community. Colonel Mohamed Issa, centre, one of the FLA’s most prominent military commanders [Photo: Courtesy of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA)] It presents itself as a secular nationalist movement seeking independence for Azawad, while JNIM seeks to overthrow governments it considers illegitimate and establish governance based on its interpretation of Islamic law. Yet senior officials from both groups told Al Jazeera those ideological differences have been set aside to confront a common enemy. Colonel Mohamed Issa, a senior FLA officer, said the movement remained committed to an independent Azawad, arguing that previous peace agreements repeatedly collapsed because successive governments in Bamako failed to honour them. Negotiations, he said, would only be acceptable if they recognised Azawad’s right to separate. Issa rejected suggestions of an ideological alliance, describing the relationship as a battlefield arrangement against a common enemy. He said the JNIM-affiliated fighters operating alongside the FLA were exclusively Azawadis rather than members of the group’s wider regional network, arguing they were motivated primarily by defending their communities against the Malian army and what he described as Russian “mercenaries”. Suleiman, a senior JNIM field commander who requested that only his first name be used for security reasons, described the relationship in broader terms. He said the group approved operational coordination with the FLA after internal consultations because fighters on both sides largely came from “one people” caught up in the same conflict and because their liberation goals had become “relatively unified”. He also claimed the FLA had accepted Islamic legal arbitration by local religious scholars, one of JNIM’s core objectives, a point the FLA itself did not raise. Bamako, meanwhile, has described the relationship as a “JNIM/FLA terrorist alliance” that threatens Mali’s sovereignty. The differing accounts illustrate both the strength and the fragility of the arrangement. For now, shared battlefield interests appear to outweigh ideological differences. Whether that remains true as the conflict evolves is far less certain. A shifting balance of power The partnership has altered not only the battlefield but the way the war is fought. FLA officials say working alongside JNIM has enabled both groups to divide responsibilities and pool expertise in attacks on military bases and supply convoys. A destroyed vehicle at the site of recent fighting in northern Mali [Photo: Courtesy of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA)] Bamako disputes casualty figures released by the armed groups and insists its forces retain the initiative. Even so, the conflict has become markedly more sophisticated, with simultaneous attacks across distant locations, engagements lasting several days and ambushes targeting reinforcements before they reach the front lines. Drones have assumed an increasingly prominent role, serving not only as reconnaissance platforms but increasingly as strike weapons against vehicles and military positions. Malian forces, backed by Russia’s Africa Corps, continue to rely heavily on air power, yet months of sustained fighting suggest neither side has secured a decisive advantage. The war economy Long-established financing and trafficking networks continue to sustain both sides. JNIM sources describe a funding model built on regional commercial networks, organised zakat collections and resources accumulated over years, including proceeds linked to earlier al-Qaeda kidnapping-for-ransom operations. The FLA says it relies primarily on donations organised by tribal leaders, traders and community associations. Officials from both groups also acknowledged that individuals linked to the movements participate in illicit economies, including trafficking across the Sahara, although the extent to which those activities finance the war remains difficult to verify. Weapons have proved as important as funding. Arms have flowed across the Sahel since the collapse of Libya in 2011, providing armed groups with a steady source of equipment. The
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Can Zimbabwe’s mineral ambitions benefit smaller producers?
Harare, Zimbabwe – Zimbabwe wants to move beyond being a supplier of raw minerals and build industries that process and manufacture from its own resources. But as the government tightens restrictions on unprocessed mineral exports, smaller miners are asking whether they will share in that transformation or be left behind. The government has restricted exports of unprocessed strategic minerals, including lithium, as part of a broader drive to increase domestic beneficiation. Authorities argue that Zimbabwe should capture more value from its mineral wealth instead of exporting raw materials and allowing other countries to profit from refining and manufacturing. The policy has attracted more than $1bn in investment into Zimbabwe’s lithium value chain, according to government officials and industry representatives. But smaller miners warn that the cost of building processing facilities, unreliable electricity supplies and limited access to finance could make it difficult for them to participate in the country’s industrial ambitions. Speaking during a technical media tour of Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe (PLZ) in Goromonzi, Mashonaland East, on 17 July, Minister of Mines and Mining Development Polite Kambamura said Zimbabwe’s 2022 ban on exports of unbeneficiated lithium ore had encouraged companies to invest in domestic beneficiation. “The construction of the first lithium sulphate plant in Africa is behind me, and this was done in Zimbabwe,” Kambamura said. He said Zimbabwe’s ambitions extended beyond lithium sulphate and lithium carbonate production, with a long-term goal of developing industries capable of manufacturing lithium batteries and solar panels locally. Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe, owned by China’s Zhejiang Huayou Cobalt, said its lithium carbonate plant was about 90 percent complete. PLZ public relations officer Patience Mushore said Huayou’s investments had generated more than $1.1bn in foreign exchange for Zimbabwe while expanding the country’s lithium value chain. Policy shift Supporters of Zimbabwe’s export restrictions argue that the country can no longer remain a supplier of raw minerals while other nations capture greater profits through refining and manufacturing. Public policy expert Tedious Ncube said Zimbabwe’s lithium sector demonstrated why the government had prioritised beneficiation. Mechanics work on a machine installed at Arcadia Lithium in Goromonzi, Zimbabwe [Tafadzwa Ufumeli/Getty Images] He pointed to investments at Arcadia Mine and Bikita Minerals as examples of companies expanding Zimbabwe’s lithium sector. Ncube said domestic processing could create skilled jobs, strengthen local suppliers and allow Zimbabwe to retain a greater share of the income generated from its mineral resources. “The success of Zimbabwe’s lithium industry shows that the right policy can attract investment that builds industries, creates jobs and leaves a bigger share of mineral wealth in Zimbabwe,” he said. Mining concerns For smaller producers, the debate is not whether Zimbabwe should process its minerals locally, but whether they will have the infrastructure, finance, and market access needed to participate. Shelton Lucas, business development director at Naivo Mining, said the company operates chrome, antimony and tungsten projects in Mashava, Ngezi and Kadoma but faces challenges accessing affordable processing options. Lucas said smaller producers were struggling to access processing capacity, particularly in the chrome sector. “For our raw chrome, we are now forced to sell to local Chinese smelters where they underpay us. For antimony, I have the resources to build the value-addition plant, but for chrome I cannot because the plant is very expensive,” he said. He said he supported domestic processing but warned that smaller miners could be excluded if new requirements were introduced without support mechanisms. Lucas proposed a toll-smelting system, where public institutions or industry bodies invest in shared processing facilities that miners can access at transparent rates while retaining ownership of their minerals. “The challenge is not only building processing plants, but also ensuring smaller producers can access capacity on fair terms,” he said. Without such measures, he warned that a small number of companies could end up controlling processing capacity and market access. “If these companies also hold export rights, they could dictate prices to small-scale miners, creating what could become a predatory market that undermines the very people the mining sector is meant to empower,” he said. Economic constraints Economists say Zimbabwe’s processing ambitions will depend on whether the country can overcome longstanding challenges affecting mining and manufacturing. United Kingdom-based Zimbabwean economist Chenayi Mutambasere told Al Jazeera that the policy faced obstacles including power shortages, expensive financing, weak transport infrastructure, foreign exchange constraints and limited access to processing technology. “The ban should be more than a political slogan; it should be an industrial practical strategy,” she said. A worker oversees operations at Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe’s (PLZ) three-line, single-phase lithium sulphate plant in Goromonzi, Mashonaland East [Enos Denhere/Al Jazeera] Mutambasere said the government needed to support the policy with reliable electricity, investor incentives, skills development and clear implementation timelines. She warned that restrictions introduced before the necessary support systems were in place could create unintended consequences. “An abrupt ban where companies have invested in the sector may push the mining sector further underground, which could increase mineral leakage,” she said. Government vision Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services Nick Mangwana told Al Jazeera that the policy was intended to ensure Zimbabwe gains more from its finite mineral resources. “The government is implementing this beneficiation policy in our minerals for the growth of our economy and to create a lasting legacy that will be witnessed by future generations,” Mangwana said. He said the policy applied not only to lithium but also to other strategic minerals, including platinum group metals such as palladium, rhodium, ruthenium, iridium and osmium. Zimbabwe’s push reflects a wider debate among resource-rich countries: whether restricting raw exports can build domestic industries without concentrating opportunities among a few large companies. For smaller miners, the success of the strategy will depend not only on how much mineral processing takes place inside the country, but whether beneficiation creates broader participation or leaves only the biggest players able to compete. Lucas said the goal should be to ensure that local processing expands opportunities across the mining sector rather than creating new barriers for smaller producers.
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From palava huts to TikTok: How Liberians are preserving their past
Monrovia, Liberia – For generations, Liberia’s history lived in the voices of its elders, carried through conversations, ceremonies and community gatherings. Today, those stories are finding new audiences across TikTok, Facebook, YouTube, podcasts and digital archives. Young Liberians are documenting their history, exploring their culture and reaching audiences at home and across the diaspora. Rather than replacing traditional storytellers, they are carrying an age-old tradition into the digital age. Across much of West Africa, griots, or oral historians, preserved history through storytelling, music and oral tradition. Liberia never developed the formal griot tradition found across the Sahel, but its elders fulfilled a similar role, preserving family histories, cultural traditions and the stories that bound communities together. Over time, however, that tradition has come under growing pressure. Among those leading efforts to preserve Liberia’s past is Bilphena Decontee Yahwon, founder of Archive Liberia, a memory and political education project that explores Liberian history through research, archives and public storytelling. “I didn’t originally set out to tell Liberian stories. I wanted to tell my own story,” Yahwon says. “Within my story was also a story of war and migration, one that I felt I could only contextualise by understanding the story of Liberia, who we were before the 1800s, what happened afterwards, and what we became. I realised I was inside a web of stories, and that is ultimately what brought me to the work I do now,” she tells Al Jazeera. Her personal search has become part of a wider movement of young Liberians using digital platforms to reclaim the country’s past and reshape how it is remembered. A history interrupted by war Elders passed down the memories of families, communities, cultural traditions and the events that shaped Liberia for generations, but the country’s civil wars severed that chain. Liberia’s two civil wars, fought between 1989 and 2003, killed an estimated 250,000 people, displaced hundreds of thousands more and disrupted the transmission of history, culture and family memory. “Liberian societies in the forest belt lacked the professional caste of griots that existed in the Sahel. But our elders did their best to transmit historical and cultural knowledge, albeit on an unpaid basis,” says Patrick Burrowes, a Liberian historian and author. “The chain of transmission across generations continued in an unbroken fashion for centuries until the war. That is why we are seeing less and less transmission of accurate historical and cultural knowledge,” Burrowes tells Al Jazeera. The effects of that disruption are still felt today. As Liberia has become more urbanised, many young people have moved away from the communities where oral histories were traditionally shared. According to a 2022 report by the Liberia Institute for Statistics and Geo-Information Services, internal migrants account for 46.7 percent of the urban population, compared with 13.6 percent of the rural population. The places where stories are shared have changed. The need to preserve them has not. The new palava hut For many young Liberians, the new gathering place is online. A historical photograph shared on Facebook, a TikTok video explaining a cultural tradition or a podcast exploring Liberia’s past can now reach audiences far beyond a single community. Stories once shared between elders and younger generations now travel across cities, continents and the Liberian diaspora in seconds. Zuleka Dauda, chief programme officer at the Center for Integrated Solutions, a Liberian-owned research and strategic planning organisation, says the shift reflects evolution rather than loss. “Culture should never stand still,” she tells Al Jazeera. “Young Liberians are consuming culture differently, but it’s still being taught and shared. Instead of gathering around the palava hut, they gather around TikTok, Facebook, podcasts and YouTube. We didn’t lose storytelling. We changed the stage.” For many creators, these platforms have become spaces to document traditions, preserve family histories and challenge narratives about Liberia that have often been shaped from outside the country. Historical photographs, forgotten traditions and family memories are reaching new audiences as Liberians use technology to reconnect with their past. But taking storytelling online has also brought new challenges. Truth and memory Access remains one of the biggest barriers. According to World Bank figures, just over one in three Liberians uses the internet, limiting who can participate in this growing digital archive. There is also the challenge of misinformation. Traditional storytellers learned over many years, with elders responsible for correcting inaccuracies and protecting the knowledge passed between generations. Social media has opened storytelling to everyone, but it has also removed many of those safeguards. Participants in an Archive Liberia oral history project pose for a group photograph [Bilphena Decontee Yahwon/Al Jazeera] “Historically, African griots underwent rigorous training, and the recitation of knowledge by young acolytes was fact-checked by their elders,” says Burrowes. “But social media is a brave new world. Individual users do not undergo training in sifting fact from falsehood. Many users post information without vetting. They often use their platforms to gain followers and influence, without regard to social responsibility.” Limited literacy and restricted access to archives also make it harder for many Liberians to verify historical claims. Government figures estimate literacy among Liberians aged 15 and above at 58.6 percent. For Yahwon, however, the challenge is not only about accuracy but also about who gets to shape Liberia’s historical narrative. “For me, one of the biggest challenges in telling Liberian stories, culture and history is undoing the ahistorical account of our past that has dominated for so long,” she says. “So much of what has been written about Liberia is shaped by narratives that lack an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist perspective.” Who gets to tell Liberia’s story? As more Liberians turn to digital platforms to preserve the past, the challenge is ensuring those stories remain rooted in evidence as well as memory. The Liberia Tourism Authority says it is working with historians, cultural institutions and content creators to improve access to historical resources and help produce accurate, engaging stories about Liberia. Dauda believes the answer is not to discourage young people from telling stories online, but
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‘The show must go on’: Trump returns to rescheduled White House press gala
US president makes jokes, mocks opponents at correspondents’ dinner that was halted by a shooting in April. United States President Donald Trump returned to the White House Correspondents’ Association dinner, three months after a gunman upended the event. “As I said three months ago, the show must go on,” Trump said at the start of his speech on Friday, after a lengthy awards ceremony, during which several journalists, including CNN’s Wolf Blitzer, spoke. Recommended Stories list of 3 items list 1 of 3IOC rejects human rights group’s complaint against Trump ally Infantino list 2 of 3Trump says ‘it’s time’ for Saudi Arabia to normalise ties with Israel list 3 of 3Trump threatens EU will pay ‘big price’ after Brussels fines Google $1bn end of list The annual – and perennially controversial – event had originally been held in April, but it was swiftly derailed after a gunman attempted to storm the proceedings in an alleged effort to assassinate Trump. “Just like my presidency, the second time is always better and the third time will be better yet,” Trump quipped, before raising his hands at the crowd and saying, “I’m only kidding.” The US president is limited to two terms by the Constitution, but Trump has been facetiously floating the idea of running for a third time. The rescheduled dinner took place in the ballroom of the Waldorf Astoria hotel, with a guest list of 700 people, much smaller compared with April’s botched gathering. “It was an assault on our democracy itself; it was a very serious situation,” Trump said of the alleged assassination attempt. He lauded some of his aides, including Pete Hegseth, Steve Miller and Tom Holman, for showing “bravery” during the incident. “They were standing on tables, when most of you were under the tables,” he said. Alleged gunman Cole Tomas Allen had stormed a security gate at the gala venue, the Washington Hilton, armed with guns and knives. He was accused by prosecutors of shooting and injuring a Secret Service officer before he was stopped. Allen is facing federal charges of attempting to assassinate the president. “Many people yelled, ‘Get down. Get down,’ which caused Nicki Minaj to start twerking,” Trump said on Friday. As journalists in attendance forced a muted laugh, Trump added: “She’s the only one who knew what that meant.” Trump later used the event to rebuke political opponents, presenting his attacks as jokes. He called Democratic California Governor Gavin Newsom “newscum”, questioned Congresswoman Ilhan Omar’s intelligence, and pretended that someone in the audience was calling Illinois Governor JB Pritzker a “fat pig” to appear that he was not uttering the insult himself. The US president also called top Democratic Senator Chuck Schumer “Palestinian” as an insult. Earlier in the evening, Trump entered the ballroom to polite applause. “This is the largest gathering of people with Trump derangement syndrome,” he said, referring to journalists. The US president has had a historically caustic relationship with the dinner, but this year, he touted the celebration this year, calling it a “very good thing” and a “HOT ticket”. White House Correspondents’ Association president Weijia Jiang of CBS News, which was acquired by pro-Israel investor David Ellison last year, thanked Trump for his support, and for showing up for the second time in three months. “Tonight our message is this: We are back,” she said. “We will not be intimidated. We refuse to let an act of violence have the final word.” Trump’s enthused attendance represented a sea change from his first term, beginning in 2017, when the newly elected president declared the soiree “dead” and declined to attend over the next four years. Beyond Trump, the White House Correspondents’ Dinner has long been a lightning rod for criticism among media professionals, with some journalists arguing that reporters should not be chummy with the politicians they cover. Calls for the dinner to be abandoned entirely only grew after the April incident. Adblock test (Why?)
Netanyahu to meet Trump at White House next week amid Iran war escalation
Visit will be Netanyahu’s seventh to White House, underscoring US commitment amid war with Iran, genocide in Gaza. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is due to meet US President Donald Trump at the White House next Tuesday, the PM’s office said. It added that the meeting coincides with Netanyahu’s visit for the funeral of Senator Lindsey Graham. The Republican, who was one of the staunchest supporters of Israel in Washington, died suddenly last week. Recommended Stories list of 3 items list 1 of 3US court affirms release of pro-Palestine scholar as legal battle continues list 2 of 3Israel carries out blasts across south Lebanon despite ‘ceasefire’ deal list 3 of 3Trillion dollar US defence bill would deepen military ties with Israel end of list “At President Trump’s invitation, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will depart for Washington on Monday for an official visit,” the statement said. “As part of the visit, the prime minister will meet with President Trump at the White House on Tuesday and will attend the funeral service for Senator Lindsey Graham.” The visit will be Netanyahu’s seventh at the White House in Trump’s second term, far outpacing any other world leader and underscoring the administration’s continued commitment to Israel. It comes as the US-Israeli war with Iran has again escalated following a breakdown earlier this month of a ceasefire reached as part of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by the US and Iran. Israel had opposed the MoU, with its ongoing military operations in Lebanon repeatedly threatening to derail diplomatic overtures. The Trump administration has been overseeing talks between Lebanon and Israel aimed at ending the war that do not include Hezbollah. Both Israel and Lebanon have agreed to a plan meant to turn over Israeli-occupied areas to the Lebanese military, although the facts on the ground have remained largely unchanged since March. In a meeting with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun earlier this week, Trump did not offer a timeline for Israel’s withdrawal. Also on Friday, US Central Command said its forces completed their 13th consecutive night of strikes on Iran. Iran has retaliated daily against US assets in the region, killing three US soldiers in a strike on a base in Jordan last week. Washington has also increasingly shifted military assets to Israel, in what some analysts see as a sign of a larger escalation on the horizon. The visit also comes as Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza goes on, with the Israeli military continuing to issue displacement orders and launching near daily attacks, despite the US-backed “ceasefire” that began last October. An analysis from UN agencies has found that an estimated 1.4 million people, representing 67 percent of Gaza’s population, are still suffering “crisis or worse levels of acute food insecurity”. All told, at least 73,311 Palestinians have been killed in the war, according to local health authorities, including 1,185 people since the current “ceasefire” began. In the occupied West Bank, Israeli raids have again escalated, with four Palestinians killed on Friday in an attack by Israeli forces and settlers southwest of Nablus, the Palestinian Ministry of Health said in a statement. Israeli health officials reported that an Israeli settler was killed and others injured in the area. At least 86 Palestinians have been killed by Israelis across the occupied West Bank since the beginning of the year, including 21 shot by settlers. Threats to arrest The US visit comes as New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has called on federal officials to arrest Netanyahu, who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges related to war crimes committed in Gaza. Mamdani had previously threatened to use the New York Police Department to arrest Netanyahu, but acknowledged earlier this week he did not have the “authority to do so”. Netanyahu is expected to travel to New York City for the United Nations General Assembly in September. The US is not a signatory of the ICC’s founding document, the Rome Statute, and is therefore not subject to the court’s jurisdiction. The Trump administration has further taken an offensive approach against the court, vowing an “all-of government” campaign that has included sanctioning ICC officials and groups that support its investigations. Trump has rejected the prospect of Netanyahu’s arrest while in the US. “Benjamin Netanyahu will not be arrested, in any way, shape, or form, while in the United States of America,” he posted on Truth Social on Monday. He instead hailed Israel’s role in fighting Iran. The US Congress is also currently considering a defence budget that would see the US and Israel integrate their militaries, in a major deepening of ties. But public opinion polls have shown Israel’s standing in the US has plummeted amid the war in Gaza. More recently, several influential right-wing figures have charged that Israel dragged the US into the war with Iran. The conflict has stretched on for five months with no end in sight. Adblock test (Why?)