Lebanese man removes Israeli flag from castle in southern Lebanon
NewsFeed A Lebanese man who returned to his village in southern Lebanon after the temporary ceasefire was announced removes the Israeli flag from Beaufort Castle (Qalaat al-Shaqif). The castle which dates back to the 12th century is in the Nabatiyeh Governorate. Published On 18 Apr 202618 Apr 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
Trump thanks Gulf states for their ‘tremendous’ support
NewsFeed ‘This will be a great and brilliant day for the world’ US President Donald Trump said at a Turning Point USA event as Iran fully opens the Strait of Hormuz. He also thanked Gulf states for their ‘tremendous’ support. Published On 18 Apr 202618 Apr 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
Can Pakistan secure Iran-US nuclear compromise, as Trump says deal ‘close’?
Islamabad, Pakistan – Standing on the South Lawn of the White House before boarding his helicopter for Las Vegas on Thursday, United States President Donald Trump offered his most optimistic assessment yet of the war with Iran. “We’re very close to making a deal with Iran,” he told reporters. “They’ve totally agreed to that [no nuclear weapons]. They’ve agreed to almost everything, so maybe if they can get to the table, there’s a difference.” Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list He went further, saying Iran had agreed to hand over its stockpile of enriched uranium, material that, if further enriched, can be used to build a nuclear weapon. “They’ve agreed to give us back the nuclear dust that’s way underground because of the attack we made with the B-2 bombers,” he said, referring to US strikes in June last year. A deal, he added, could come “over the weekend”. Trump said he would consider travelling to Islamabad himself if an agreement was signed there. “If the deal is signed in Islamabad, I might go. They want me to go.” Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs presented a different picture. Spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei confirmed that messages were being exchanged through Pakistan, but was unequivocal on enrichment. Iran, he said, “based on its needs, must be able to continue enrichment”. No Iranian official has confirmed agreeing to surrender the country’s enriched uranium stockpile. Tehran’s public position, that enrichment is a sovereign right, remains unchanged. Asif Durrani, a former Pakistani diplomat who served as Islamabad’s ambassador to Tehran from 2016 to 2018, said framing the situation as a gap between the two sides was misleading. Advertisement “There are no gaps, really. If Trump has read the NPT, he would know that every country has the right to access nuclear technology for peaceful purposes,” he told Al Jazeera. “Iran has said multiple times that it does not want a weapon. What it wants is civil nuclear use, within the framework of both the NPT and the JCPOA.” The NPT, or Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, aims to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons while promoting peaceful nuclear energy and disarmament. The JCPOA, or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, was the 2015 agreement between Iran and six world powers that capped Tehran’s uranium enrichment and placed its facilities under international supervision in exchange for sanctions relief. The United States withdrew from the deal in 2018 during Trump’s first term, reimposing sanctions and setting in motion the gradual erosion of its limits on Iran’s nuclear programme. Seyed Mojtaba Jalalzadeh, an international relations analyst, said the reality was more complex than public statements suggest. “We should avoid simplistic binaries such as ‘one side is lying’,” he told Al Jazeera. “The gap visible between Trump’s remarks and the position of Iran’s foreign ministry is more a reflection of the complex, multilayered, and still unfinished nature of the negotiations.” When Trump speaks of “total agreement”, Jalalzadeh said, “he is most likely offering the most maximalist possible reading of the negotiating process.” It remains unclear whether Trump’s remarks reflect genuine backchannel progress or are a pressure tactic in advance of the April 22 ceasefire deadline, but Trump and Iran’s descriptions paint completely different pictures of the same negotiations. Pakistan’s diplomatic orchestra Foreign Minister of Türkiye Hakan Fidan calls on Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif in Antalya on Thursday, April 16, 2026 [Handout/Prime Minister’s Office] The most active diplomacy on Thursday ran through Tehran, where Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, held a series of high-level meetings. Munir met Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who led Iran’s delegation at the Islamabad talks with the US last Saturday, followed by a meeting with President Masoud Pezeshkian. He also met Major-General Ali Abdollahi, commander of Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, the operational command of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Al Jazeera reported on Wednesday that Pakistani officials were expecting a “major breakthrough” on Iran’s nuclear programme “in days to come”, with messages continuing to pass between Washington and Tehran. Advertisement While Munir engaged Iranian leaders in Tehran, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif pursued a parallel track, meeting Gulf leaders in Saudi Arabia and Qatar before arriving at Turkiye’s Antalya Diplomacy Forum on Thursday evening. Pakistan’s central role has been acknowledged by both sides. White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said any further in-person talks would most likely take place in Islamabad. “The Pakistanis have been incredible mediators throughout this process, and we really appreciate their friendship and their efforts to bring this deal to a close, so they are the only mediator in this negotiation,” she said. Durrani cautioned that Pakistan’s role has limits. “Pakistan is facilitating this meeting, and the most it can do is suggest certain things that mediators can offer in their capacity,” he said. “But ultimately, it all depends on the political will of the two parties.” That political will now faces a ceasefire deadline set to expire on April 22. Official sources told Al Jazeera that nearly 100 visa applications from journalists have been received in the past week, while authorities have begun tightening security in the capital in anticipation of a possible high-level event — the potential visit of US President Donald Trump, or at the very least, another round of high-level talks led by senior officials from Tehran and Washington. Hardline signals from Tehran Alongside diplomatic movement, Iran’s hardline establishment struck a sharper tone. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, right, welcoming Pakistan’s Army Chief Asim Munir before their meeting in Tehran on Thursday, April 16 [Handout/Iranian Parliament Public Relations Office] Mohsen Rezaei, a former IRGC commander and now a military adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, said on a state-owned television channel that he did not support extending the ceasefire. “Unlike the Americans who are afraid of continuous war, we are fully prepared and familiar with a long war,” he said, according to Tasnim News Agency. Abdollahi, speaking during his meeting with Munir and quoted by state news agency IRNA, said the conflict
Men caught competing as women in prestigious South African marathon
Two women runners initially finished outside the top 10 in the Two Oceans Marathon in Cape Town before bib swap spotted. By The Associated Press Published On 17 Apr 202617 Apr 2026 Two men have been disqualified from one of South Africa’s flagship marathon races after they finished in the top 10 of the women’s race. Their attempt at swapping bibs, which bear the identification numbers worn by racers, resulted in two women runners initially finishing outside the top 10 in the Two Oceans Marathon in Cape Town on April 12. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list The annual Two Oceans race is one of South Africa’s iconic marathons and includes a 56km (34.7-mile) ultramarathon and a 21.1km (13.1-mile) half-marathon. The event attracts more than 16,000 participants, and finishing among the top 10 is a significant achievement for most runners. The two men, Luke Jacobs and Nic Bradfield, finished seventh and 10th. They were disqualified after a marathon board member uncovered the deception. The women runners who had been bumped were subsequently recognised for their legitimate finishes. Jacobs and Bradfield will face disciplinary processes by the marathon’s disciplinary subcommittee, said Two Oceans Marathon board member Stuart Mann, who helped uncover the cheating, which overshadowed the performance of honest runners. Swapping bibs is unethical and risky Exchanging bibs with another marathoner has become more common while also carrying far-reaching consequences, Mann said. “Not only is it considered unethical, but it also poses health and medical risks in case of an emergency, as wrong medication may be administered to a wrong person,” Mann said. Swapping numbers can result from different motivations, Mann explained. For some, it is done to avoid losing money if they are injured or for some other unexpected reason, cannot run the race. For others, the deceptive practice allows them to obtain a faster time to use for qualifying in a future race. Advertisement Online photos lead to discoveries and apologies Mann was tipped off to one of the swaps after Jacobs posted pictures of himself at the race on social media and people noticed his bib displayed the name “Larissa”. After further investigation, Mann learned Jacobs competed using a bib assigned to Larissa Parekh, who was registered to compete in the women’s race. “I made an error in judgment and did not consider the consequences. I should not have taken part,” Jacobs said in a written apology. Jacobs and Bradfield were also tripped up by modern sports technology. Race officials watched the first 10 women cross the finish line, but data from chips in the bibs indicated two other women had also crossed, although they were not observed by the officials. The discrepancy led to the revelation that Bradfield competed with a number belonging to Tegan Garvey, who later admitted to giving up her bib after she suffered a hip problem prior to the race. “The day before, my hip gave in completely, leaving me unable to even walk. I felt bad as to give up my race entry so my friend ran in my place,” Garvey said. Parekh did not give a clear explanation for her actions, according to Mann, who said both women have apologised and face two-year bans from the Two Oceans Marathon. Adblock test (Why?)
Controversy as Lebanese banker Sehnaoui is praised for supporting Israel
Even as Israel was attacking his home country of Lebanon, killing hundreds, and occupying territory within the country’s south, Antoun Sehnaoui was being publicly praised for his support for Israel, and his family’s history of being “Lebanese Christian Zionists”. Sehnaoui, one of Lebanon’s leading bankers and the chairman of Societe Generale de Banque au Liban (SGBL), was attending an event on Tuesday at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, which he had donated to. And the person praising him for his pro-Israel bona fides was his reported romantic partner, Morgan Ortagus, a US Middle East envoy. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list Addressing the audience, Ortagus, who had been widely criticised in Lebanon for her perceived pro-Israel bias during her time in the Trump administration, framed support for Israel as an act that requires “moral clarity”, even when it involves personal risk. Praising Sehnaoui, Ortagus claimed his actions in funding a US-Israeli opera project were “technically illegal in Lebanon”, which prohibits dealings with Israeli individuals or institutions. Continuing, Ortagus described Sehnaoui as coming from generations of “committed Lebanese Christian Zionists”, saying he had been “trained to be a supporter of the State of Israel and the Jewish people” by his family. She also referred to what she characterised as a longstanding familial relationship with Israel, including that of his father, Nabil, one of the primary funders of the Christian militia, the Lebanese Forces (LF), which allied with Israel during its 1982 invasion and was credited with participating in massacres at Shatila, a Palestinian refugee camp, and the adjacent neighbourhood of Sabra in Beirut the same year. Advertisement However, this latest iteration of Sehnaoui’s support for Israel comes at a particularly difficult moment for many in Lebanon, still waiting to feel the benefits of a US-imposed ceasefire. Israel has been accused of multiple war crimes since it launched ground operations in Lebanon in mid-March, including that it used a “quadruple tap” method intended to maximise civilian harm from any single strike. Israeli action has also displaced more than a million people – about 20 percent of the population – from southern Lebanon in a chaotic flight that has destabilised the country and heightened sectarian tensions. Responding to footage of one of the country’s most prominent individuals appearing to align with Israel elicited condemnation across much of the country’s social media sphere. One post quoted by Israeli media said Sehnaoui belonged “behind bars”, while another accused him of converting to Judaism and “betraying his country”. “You are a disgusting despicable person with no sense of respect to your own people,” another post claimed. Ortagus ties “I think that the timing of the appearance is more problematic than the actual appearance itself,” Lebanese academic and political commentator Makram Rabah said, adding that a visit to a holocaust museum in itself should never be a source of controversy. However, that was distinct from being a supporter of Israel and many of the Lebanese factions that had previously backed it. Further evidence of the rumoured romantic connection between Ortagus and Sehnaoui will also be controversial. Since her appointment by the Trump administration in April 2025, Ortagus has done little to disguise her support for Israel and strident opposition to Hezbollah, drawing criticism of her role as a supposedly neutral broker in her dealings with Middle Eastern states. Morgan Ortagus, during her time as State Department spokesperson, speaking at a news conference in Washington [Andrew Harnik/AP] Video evidence of both her outspoken support for Israel as well as her words about Sehnaoui’s support should surprise no one, said Michael Young, a Lebanon expert for the Carnegie Middle East Center. “I think to a certain extent, it highlighted what many people thought: Was Ortagus really the best envoy the United States could send to Lebanon, given her very clear leaning towards the Israeli side?” Young said. Bad egg Irrespective of Ortagus’s role, Sehnaoui’s position within Lebanon’s financial elite, including his chairmanship of SGBL, one of the country’s largest banks, has, critics say, allowed him to influence the course of Lebanese politics at all levels of the state and across the country’s religious divides. Advertisement Nevertheless, despite that influence, Sehnaoui faces legal problems both at home and abroad. Within Lebanon, prosecutors have filed charges against him and his bank over alleged money laundering linked to currency trading operations during the financial crisis that began in 2019, which continues to cripple daily life across Lebanon to this day. The bank denies any wrongdoing. In the US, the SGBL are also subject to a 2020 civil lawsuit filed by families of victims of attacks attributed to Hezbollah in Iraq. They allege the bank provided material support to the group, claims SGBL also denies. ”He [Sehnaoui] can buy or sell anyone,” Lebanese MP Paula Yacoubian told Al Jazeera. “He’s ready to work with everyone, from [Christian militia] Jnoud el-Rab to Hezbollah. He doesn’t care,” she said, referring to the far-right militia, which the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation says is financed by Sehnaoui, and which has carried out a series of violent attacks on Lebanon’s LGBTQ community. “These latest moves are there just to buy an additional layer of immunity for him, presumably in return for his help normalising relations with Israel, but that isn’t how normalisation works,” Yacoubian said. “Normalisation works by giving your government cards to play, such as negotiating for the millions of people to the south to return home, and not by bypassing the government altogether.” For now, while anger over the video continues to bristle across Lebanon, more are left dealing with the repercussions of the relentless attacks Israel has been launching at the country since March 2. Tens of thousands of people are reported to have returned to the battered south in the hours following the ceasefire’s announcement, some to recover the bodies of the dead, and others just to discover what remains of their homes and what is left of their lives. Adblock test (Why?)
‘Trump forced Israel into a ceasefire’ with Lebanon
NewsFeed Abed Abou Shhadeh, a political commentator based in Israel, says the ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon is ‘extremely problematic, not only for Netanyahu, but for the Israeli public who were promised for two and a half years now, absolute victory’. Published On 17 Apr 202617 Apr 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
IMF, World Bank say they are restoring ties with Venezuela
Acting President Delcy Rodriguez calls resumption of ties ‘great achievement’ of Venezuelan diplomacy. Published On 17 Apr 202617 Apr 2026 The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have announced the resumption of ties with Venezuela under the Latin American nation’s interim leader. The Washington, DC-based financial institutions severed ties with Caracas in 2019 amid a split in the international community over whether to support Nicolas Maduro or Juan Guaido as the country’s rightful leader following disputed presidential elections. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva said in a statement on Thursday that the institution had resumed dealings with Venezuela under the administration of acting President Delcy Rodriguez. “This important step, guided by the views of our members, allows the Fund to re‑engage in a way that can ultimately benefit the Venezuelan people,” Georgieva said in a post on social media. The World Bank announced that it would follow the IMF’s lead in a statement shortly afterwards, saying it had been “guided by the outcome” of the fellow lender’s decision-making process. The bank said it had last made a loan to Caracas in 2005. Venezuela’s interim President Delcy Rodriguez speaks during a news conference after signing an agreement between Chevron Venezuela and the national government at the Miraflores Palace in Caracas on April 13, 2026 [Juan Barreto/AFP] The announcements come several weeks after United States President Donald Trump’s administration lifted sanctions on Rodriguez, the latest move by Washington to confer legitimacy on the acting leader. Rodriguez, who assumed power in January after Trump ordered the abduction of former President Maduro to the US to face drug-trafficking and weapons possession charges, welcomed the announcements. Advertisement “It has been a great achievement of Venezuelan diplomacy, and I want to thank all the countries and governments that joined in this push for Venezuela’s return to the IMF,” Rodriguez said in an address broadcast on state television. The moves clear the way for Venezuela to request financial assistance from the international lenders if Caracas deems it to be necessary to shore up the nation’s straitened finances. The Latin American country has one of the highest debt burdens in the world, with total external liabilities estimated at more than $150bn. In 2020, the IMF rejected Venezuela’s request for an emergency loan of $5bn to help fund its response to the COVID-19 pandemic, citing the lack of an international consensus on the legitimacy of Maduro’s leadership. Venezuela has been a member of the IMF and the World Bank since 1946. Adblock test (Why?)
How Israel’s war upended daily life in Lebanon
Before a 10-day ceasefire came into effect between Israel and Lebanon, people in Beirut described the war as having turned their lives upside down. Prices have soared, work slowed to a crawl, and fears of shortages prompted people to panic-buy medicines. Published On 17 Apr 202617 Apr 2026 Click here to share on social media share-nodes Share googleAdd Al Jazeera on Googleinfo Adblock test (Why?)
Turkiye’s Roketsan eyes top 10 exporter rank amid Middle East conflict
Modern warfare has dramatically changed as we have seen from the Russia-Ukraine war, conflicts involving Gaza, India and Pakistan, and the recent US-Israeli strikes on Iran. At the centre of this shift is a surging global reliance on drone and missile technology as well as advanced air defence systems. Turkiye, one of the largest military powers in the Middle East, is increasingly positioning itself as a major supplier in the global defence sector. Central to this effort is Roketsan, a company founded in 1988 to supply the Turkish Armed Forces, which has since evolved into the country’s primary manufacturer of missile and rocket systems. Recommended Stories list of 3 itemsend of list Currently exporting to approximately 50 countries, the firm is one of the fastest-growing defence companies globally. So how did Roketsan secure a large share of the global arms trade? Bypassing Western embargoes Turkiye’s defence expansion was largely accelerated by restrictions placed upon it. Western embargoes aimed at halting its military advancement meant Ankara could not acquire the necessary technical systems or components. In 2020, the United States imposed Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) restrictions on Turkiye – a key member of the transatlantic military alliance NATO. These sanctions targeted Turkiye’s military procurement agency, its chief Ismail Demir, and three other senior officials. Washington also ejected Ankara from the F-35 stealth jet programme in July 2019. The measures came after Ankara purchased Russia’s S-400 missile defence system, which was seen as a potential threat to NATO security. The European Union also prepared limited sanctions and discussed restricting arms exports following energy exploration disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. Advertisement To circumvent this, the country built an integrated, domestic defence ecosystem. Today, Turkiye relies on a vast supply chain of nearly 4,000 small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) scattered across the country. As a result, the Turkish defence industry now operates with a local production rate exceeding 90 percent. Türkiye’s defence industry now operates with a local production rate exceeding 90 percent, bypassing long-standing Western embargoes [Al Jazeera] This shift has yielded significant financial returns for Ankara. In 2025, Turkiye’s defence industry reported $10bn in exports. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera that the company currently ranks 71st among global defence firms, with ambitions to break into the top 50, then the top 20, and ultimately the top 10. To support this expansion, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan inaugurated several large-scale facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead facility. new research and development (R&D) centre housing 1,000 engineers. the “Kirikkale” facility dedicated to rocket fuel technology. new infrastructure for the mass production of ballistic and cruise missiles. These projects represent a $1bn investment, with the company planning to inject an additional $2bn to expand mass production capabilities. The ‘Tayfun’ and modern warfare Roketsan’s R&D strategy – which employs 3,200 engineers and makes the company the third-largest R&D institution in Turkiye – is heavily influenced by data gathered from ongoing global conflicts. According to Ikinci, the war in Ukraine highlighted the impact of cheap, first-person view (FPV) and kamikaze drones supported by artificial intelligence. In response, Roketsan developed air defence systems like “ALKA” and “BURC,” alongside the “CIRIT” laser-guided missile. The regional landscape was further complicated during the US-Israel war on Iran, as cheap Iranian-designed Shahed drones – recently upgraded by Russia with “Kometa-B” anti-jamming modules – overwhelmed defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026. During the same month, NATO air defences were forced to intercept three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. Meanwhile, the recent conflict between Israel and Iran showcased the use of complex attacks combining ballistic missiles with “swarms” of kamikaze drones designed to overwhelm air defences. This environment makes hypersonic technology a critical asset. This brings the Tayfun (Typhoon) project into focus. Tayfun is a developing family of long-range ballistic missiles. Its most advanced iteration, the Tayfun Block 4, is a hypersonic missile engineered to penetrate advanced air defence systems by travelling at extreme speeds. Advertisement When Al Jazeera asked for specific details regarding the Tayfun’s exact operational range, Ikinci was elusive. “We avoid mentioning its range; we just say its range is sufficient,” he noted. Similarly, historical Western sanctions have pushed Turkiye to form new cooperation initiatives, effectively accelerating an “Eastern shift” away from Western defence dependence. Turkish drones are now being used by a growing number of countries, including by Pakistan during its war against India last May. Based on these threat assessments, Roketsan has prioritised five key areas of production: long-range ballistic and cruise missiles. air defence systems, including the “Steel Dome”, Hisar-A, Hisar-O, and Siper. submarine-launched cruise missiles, utilising the AKYA system to leverage Turkiye’s large submarine fleet. smart micro-munitions designed specifically for armed drones. long-range air-to-air missiles, a need highlighted by the brief India-Pakistan skirmish. A strategic export model Unlike traditional arms procurement, Turkiye is marketing its defence industry to international buyers as a strategic partnership. “Our offer to our partners… is as follows: Let’s produce together, let’s develop technology together,” Ikinci stated. Rokestan’s General Manager Murat İkinci, right, emphasises that Roketsan’s international strategy is based on ‘partnership models’ rather than simple sales [Al Jazeera] By establishing joint facilities and R&D centres in allied nations across the Middle East, the Far East, and Europe, Turkiye is attempting to secure long-term geopolitical alliances rather than purely transactional sales. Ikinci highlighted Qatar as a prime example of this model, describing it as a benchmark for technological, military, and security cooperation in the region. Filling the global stockpile gap This rapid expansion comes at a critical time for the global arms trade. Ongoing wars have severely depleted the stockpiles of advanced weapon systems worldwide. During the recent US-Israel war on Iran, Washington relied heavily on multimillion-dollar Patriot and Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) systems to intercept cheap Iranian drones targeting US assets across Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. With growing concerns that US interceptor supplies could run low, Gulf states
After three years of war, Sudan army and RSF locked in military impasse
Sudan’s war has entered its fourth year, but there is little indication the conflict will end any time soon, as the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are locked in battle for control of the North African nation. Life has gradually returned to a fragile state of near-normalcy in the capital, Khartoum, and central regions after the army regained control of the regions. However, this relative stability has been accompanied by a sense of unsettling uncertainty, as economic and living conditions continue to deteriorate, the military deadlock persists in the Kordofan region, and the humanitarian crisis in Darfur has worsened. Recommended Stories list of 4 itemsend of list On the ground, the conflict has created a clear division between eastern and western Sudan, with the Sudanese army controlling the northern, central and eastern states, as well as the capital. Meanwhile, the RSF controls Darfur and large parts of the three Kordofan states, and has also opened a new front in the Blue Nile region along the border with Ethiopia. On May 20 of last year, the Sudanese army recaptured Khartoum State from the RSF forces after more than two years of fighting, marking one of the biggest military developments of the year. Earlier, on January 11, 2025, the army also retook Wad Madani, the capital of Gezira State. It then expanded its advances by pushing RSF forces out of northern White Nile State, breaking the siege on el-Obeid in North Kordofan in February 2025, and regaining Kadugli and Dilling in South Kordofan by last February. The army retook Bara, the second-largest city in North Kordofan, in March. Ibrahim Mohamed Ishaq, 35, a Sudanese refugee father from al-Fashir, rides on a motorised cart with his wife Fatima Abdul Karim, 25, and their daughters Eman, 5, and Eilaf, 3, as they flee ongoing clashes between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese army, arriving at the entrance city of Tine in eastern Chad, on November 22, 2025 [File: Amr Abdallah Dalsh/Reuters] What gains have the RSF made? Despite the army’s achievements, the RSF made significant military progress as well. Most notable is their capture of el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, on October 26 of last year after a two-year siege. This allowed it to consolidate control over most of the region, except for three northern regions still held by the army and joint forces, as well as areas controlled by the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) armed group led by Abdel Wahid al-Nur. Advertisement Emboldened by the fall of el-Fasher, the RSF advanced towards Babnusa in West Kordofan later in December 2025. This came shortly before the army withdrew from the Heglig oil region, the country’s largest oilfield in West Kordofan, resulting in the state in effect falling under RSF control. RSF forces remain present in scattered areas of North Kordofan, including Umm Qarfah, Jabra al-Sheikh, Umm Badr, Hamra al-Sheikh, and Sodari. They are also active in parts of South Kordofan, particularly in Al Quoz, Al-Hamadi and Al Dibibat. By the end of the third year, the conflict had spread to eastern Sudan. And with the joint force of the RSF and SPLM-North, the city of Kurmuk in Blue Nile State was captured in March of last year. This prompted the Sudanese government to accuse Ethiopia of providing military and logistical support – an accusation they have since denied. The nature of the war has also evolved in recent months. The RSF has increasingly been relying on drones to strike targets in central and northern Sudan. In response, the army has acquired new drones, enabling it to target supply lines, eliminate several RSF leaders and destroy their military equipment. The human cost of the war On the humanitarian front, the war has reached catastrophic levels. A joint report by the International Committee of the Red Cross, UNICEF, and Intersos found that about 14 million people have been displaced over three years. Simultaneously, 26 million people face acute food insecurity, while 33.7 million require humanitarian assistance, including 7.4 million people internally displaced. The Norwegian Refugee Council reports that most families have been forced to reduce their daily meals due to worsening economic conditions and loss of income. In Khartoum, prices of fuel, bread, goods and services have risen sharply in recent days. This has coincided with the depreciation of the Sudanese pound, with the US dollar now worth about 600 pounds. Despite some improvements in security in certain areas, the International Organization for Migration reports that about 3.99 million people had returned to their homes as of April, mainly to Khartoum and Gezira. Of these, 83 percent are internally displaced people and 17 percent returned from abroad. More than 13 million people remain displaced or refugees, including about nine million within the country. Saddam Najwa, a malnourished, 17-month-old internally displaced child reaches out for a cup of water at the paediatric ward of the Mother of Mercy Hospital in Gidel, near Kauda, within the Sudan’s People Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) controlled area of the Nuba Mountains, South Kordofan, Sudan, on June 25, 2024 [File: Thomas Mukoya/Reuters] In Khartoum The appointment of Kamil El-Tayeb Idris as prime minister in May 2025 was a major development politically, as was the formation of a civilian government. Advertisement This marked the first such step since Abdalla Hamdok’s resignation in January 2022, following the collapse of political consensus after Army chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan dissolved the transitional government in 2021. The 2021 coup disrupted the democratic transition process established after the fall of long-term leader Omar al-Bashir in 2019 following a mass uprising. In January of this year, the government officially returned to Khartoum after operating from Port Sudan as a temporary capital since August 2023. The war erupted on April 15, 2023, over a power struggle between the army and the RSF. Despite this, international and regional efforts to end the war have only stalled. The Quadrilateral Initiative – the United States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates – has