Thailand, Muslim separatists agree on new plan to end violence
Talks resume after one year in Malaysia to bring end to conflict that has killed more than 7,000 people since 2004. Thailand’s government and Muslim separatist rebels in the country’s south have agreed “in principle” on an updated roadmap to try to end decades-long fighting. Malaysian facilitator Zulkifli Zainal Abidin told reporters on Wednesday that both sides have agreed in principle to an “improved” peace plan. “It is a major breakthrough after the dialogue was stalled the past year due to the Thai election,” he said. The sides held two days of talks in the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur, and will meet again over the next two months to iron out details of the plan. They hope to agree to a ceasefire covering the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan, which starts on March 10, and the Thai festival of Songkran in mid-April. Malaysia has hosted and facilitated talks between separatist groups and the Thai government since 2013, but little progress has been made. “The [peace plan], if the technical teams agree, will be signed as soon as possible. … There is light at the end of the tunnel. Both parties are willing to put pen on paper. Previously, there was no talk of signing any documents,” the facilitator said. More than 7,000 people have died in the violence in Thailand’s largely ethnic Malay, Muslim provinces of Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat since 2004. The population of the provinces, which belonged to an independent Malay, Muslim sultanate before Thailand annexed them in 1909, is 80 percent Muslim while the rest of the country is overwhelmingly Buddhist. Relatives sit next to the body of a suspected Muslim separatist in southern Thailand’s Yala province [File: Surapan Boonthanom/Reuters] The fighting is intermittent but brutal with the separatists carrying out drive-by shootings and bombings. Malay Muslims accuse security forces of routine abuses, including prolonged and arbitrary detentions without charge as well as extrajudicial killings. Southern Thai Muslims – whose ethnicity, culture and language differ from the Buddhist majority – believe they are treated as second-class citizens and have the sympathy of many Malaysians, about 60 percent of whom are Muslim. Anas Abdulrahman – the head of the Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu Patani, the largest of the separatist groups – told reporters that he has high hopes for a lasting solution under the new Thai government, led by Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin. The Thai government last year appointed Chatchai Bangchuad, the first civilian to head the talks. Chatchai said any signing of the peace plan depends on the outcome of the technical discussions. Adblock test (Why?)
EU launches legal action against Hungary’s ‘sovereignty’ law
The legislation is viewed as a threat to political opponents, media and civil society. The European Commission has launched legal action against Hungary for its recent enactment of laws on “protecting national sovereignty”. The European Union executive said on Wednesday that it has sent a formal notice to Budapest informing it that the legislation violates the bloc’s democratic values and fundamental rights. Opponents of Prime Minster Viktor Orban’s authoritarian regime claim the new laws threaten to stifle his political rivals, as well as critical media and civil society. The Commission has been at loggerheads with Orban for years over Hungary’s rule of law, and more recently over his efforts to block aid to Ukraine. It was widely expected to launch such an infringement procedure after the laws were passed by the Hungarian parliament, dominated by the ruling Fidesz party, in December. The nationalist Orban insists that the legislation, which clamps down on the foreign funding of political candidates, as well as any body or individual with influence over public discourse, is vital to curb foreign influence. Political candidates violating the rules on funding will face up to three years in prison. The newly established Office for the Defence of Sovereignty, led by a government appointee, has the power to probe recipients of foreign funding. It can demand public and private information from targets, as well as Hungary’s intelligence services. Critics warn that the laws, viewed as similar to draconian laws implemented by President Vladimir Putin in Russia, hand Orban the power to set the security services on opponents and critics. Orban shakes hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin [Reuters] Chilling effect The Commission said that the law violates a wide range of fundamental values, including the principle of democracy, the right to privacy, protection of personal data, freedom of expression, information and association, and the right to a fair trial, among others. “The setup of a new authority with wide-ranging powers and a strict regime of monitoring, enforcement and sanctioning also risks to seriously harm democracy,” a Commission spokesperson said. Hungary will have two months to respond. The letter of formal notice is the first step under the EU’s infringement procedure, which can lead to a lawsuit in the EU’s Court of Justice and potentially fines. The United States has previously warned that the law offers the government “draconian tools that can be used to intimidate and punish those with views not shared by the ruling party”. Analysts tell Al Jazeera that the EU will very likely force Orban to scrap the legislation eventually but warn that, in the meantime, it will have a chilling effect on the political opposition, independent media and civil society. Adblock test (Why?)
How are journalists in Gaza coping with the war?
When the cameras stop rolling and the press vests come off, how do the journalists who cover war cope? We often forget that journalists covering wars are regular people, too. They are parents, siblings, friends and colleagues. And sometimes, they, too, are struggling to survive whatever story they are trying to tell. Journalists in Gaza, including our own teams, have had to deal with the horrific consequences of Israel’s war – some have paid with their lives. Others have lost loved ones, colleagues, and their homes. Yet, they have carried on. We invited them for a more personal take on what they have been through these past months and what has kept them going. Presenter: Anelise Borges Guests:Hind Khoudary – Al Jazeera JournalistNida Ibrahim – Al Jazeera correspondentAli Hashem – Al Jazeera correspondent Adblock test (Why?)
The End of Fear
A look at the fear of growing up in a doomsday cult and believing that, any day now, the world may end. In part two of our Apocalypse Maybe series, End of Fear, people raised with a belief in an impending apocalypse look back on their upbringing, and find some parallels in today’s increasingly unstable world. Acclaimed author and professor Jerald Walker shares the story told in his 2016 autobiography, The World in Flames: A Black Boyhood in a White Supremacist Doomsday Cult, while writer and PR professional Fleur Brown connects past fears with the current day. Some threads of apocalyptic beliefs are then unpicked with academic insight by James Tabor, retired professor of Christian origins and ancient Judaism at the University of North Carolina. He reassures viewers that such prophecies, past and present, have a 100 percent failure rate. Apocalypse Maybe is a documentary series exploring why, in the presence of cascading global crises, many feel that we might be living in the end times. Theme music: Try Again by Cam Kahin. Adblock test (Why?)
Network blackout cuts communications for millions in war-torn Sudan
All three of Sudan’s main internet providers are offline as the United Nations appeals for aid funds. All three of Sudan’s main internet operators were offline on Wednesday, internet observatory NetBlocks has said, cutting communications for millions of people stuck in conflict zones or fleeing for their safety. The network blackout could also freeze e-wallets that many people depend upon amid a widespread cash shortage. A source from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary has denied responsibility, the Reuters news agency reported, and the companies have not publicly blamed anyone for the outages. Two of the networks had been offline since Friday, when telecom sources and the army-aligned state news agency said the RSF had shut down the networks belonging to MTN Sudan and Sudani. Zain Sudan is now also offline, NetBlocks said. Aid agencies have warned of rising hunger in Sudan and famine-like conditions in some areas, as a result of the nine-month war between the Sudanese army and paramilitary RSF. The United Nations on Wednesday urged countries not to forget the civilians caught up in the war, appealing for $4.1bn to meet their humanitarian needs and support those who have fled to neighbouring countries. Half of Sudan’s population – around 25 million people – need humanitarian assistance and protection, while more than 1.5 million people have fled to the Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia and South Sudan, according to the UN. In the launch of its joint appeal with the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) called for $2.7bn in funding to provide humanitarian aid for 14.7 million people. The UN refugee agency asked for $1.4bn to support nearly 2.7 million people in five countries neighbouring Sudan as part of the appeal. OCHA’s appeal last year to provide aid to civilians in Sudan was less than half funded. Aid talks? Later on Wednesday, the UN aid chief said that Sudan’s warring sides have agreed to meet in UN-mediated talks on enabling aid delivery. Martin Griffiths told reporters in Geneva, Switzerland that he had been in contact with the heads of the two sides in the war about convening “empowered representatives of the two militaries” to discuss aid access. He said he wanted “to get them to follow up the commitments of the so-called Jeddah Declaration”, which the two sides signed last May, agreeing to spare civilians and civilian infrastructure and to let in badly needed aid. Griffiths warned the lack of access remained “very, very considerable”. While the Jeddah conference was organised by Saudi Arabia and the United States, Griffiths said “this time it’s the UN that will be the mediator”. “I had positive responses from both sides,” he said, adding that he was “still waiting for a confirmation on when and where”, but that Switzerland had been suggested as a venue. He said he hoped the meeting could take place “face to face”, but said plans were under way to organise a virtual call next week “as a first step”. Griffiths said the international community needed to act with a heightened sense of urgency. “We must not forget Sudan,” he said. “That’s the simple message that I have to say today.” Adblock test (Why?)
Ukraine’s Zaluzhny touts drones as path to victory; Russia suffers strikes
Ukraine’s commander-in-chief has outlined a plan to massively scale up the use of unmanned systems to overcome Russia’s advantages in manpower and materiel and break the deadlock in this war. The effectiveness of such systems was proved again last week as they sank a Russian missile corvette, grounded three planes and set an oil refinery on fire. Russia, too, continued to attack Ukraine with drones and missiles, but it failed to capture new territory despite its superior resources and constant assaults on the eastern city of Avdiivka and Ukraine’s stronghold at Krynky on the left bank of the Dnipro River in the Kherson region. Meanwhile, Ukraine’s Western allies made progress on securing funding for the war. The European Union finally approved a 50-billion-euro ($63bn) aid package for Ukraine, and the United States Senate unveiled a $118bn bill that includes $60bn for Ukraine. Zaluzhny’s drone doctrine “Unmanned systems … are almost the only tool for withdrawing from military operations of a positional form,” Ukrainian commander-in-chief Valerii Zaluzhny wrote in a doctrinal paper on Thursday, because traditional heavy armour and manpower are “increasingly a dream” for Ukraine’s armed forces. He called for a “completely new state system of technological rearmament” that could “take up to five months”. Zaluzhny’s new military doctrine dovetailed with the government’s pledge late last year to build 1 million first-person viewer drones and 11,000 medium- and long-range drones this year. Ukraine has used such systems with devastating effect. On January 31, Ukraine struck the Belbek airfield in western Crimea. Russia’s Ministry of Defence said it intercepted 20 air-launched missiles, but Russians in Crimea filmed some of the missiles flying undisturbed directly over dormant air defence systems. The following day, Ukraine struck Belbek again, this time damaging or destroying three Russian fighter planes on the ground, according to southern forces spokesperson Natalia Humenyuk. One Russian military reporter described it as a complex, two-day operation targeting three airfields and involving decoy missiles, HARM radar-seeking missiles, Storm Shadow attack missiles and surface drones. Those surface drones sank a Russian warship near Lake Donuzlav off western Crimea. Footage released by Ukraine’s armed forces showed them repeatedly striking the Ivanovets, a 480-tonne missile corvette, crippling it and then destroying it in a pair of massive explosions. It was reportedly one of only three still operating in Russia’s Black Sea Fleet. Ukrainian military intelligence chief Kyrylo Budanov said his service’s drone unit Group 13 sank the Ivanovets using Magura V5 surface drones. “There were six direct hits to the hull. … The ship overturned on its stern and sank,” he said. Two days later, Ukraine’s Security Service struck the Rosneft refinery in Volgograd, one of the largest in Russia, apparently using two aerial drones. Footage showed at least four burning oil tanks destroyed. Budanov said he believes the number of attacks would increase. “Hypothetically, there is a plan by which all this happens. I believe that this plan includes all the main objects of critical infrastructure and objects of military infrastructure of the Russian Federation,” Budanov said. Ukrainian air force spokesman Yuri Ignat suggested attacks on Crimea would continue to target airfields. “Russia uses not only Belbek. About five airfields are actively used for attacks on Ukraine. These are planes of various modifications: MiG-31, … MiG-29, Su-27 and helicopters,” he said. Ukraine has pursued other forms of asymmetric warfare. Its military intelligence said a Russian Tu-95 bomber, who had reportedly taken part in raids on Ukraine, was shot dead in Russia. Ukrainian hackers from the Prana Network broke into a Russian Defence Ministry server, stealing documents that revealed Russia had agreed to pay Iran $1.75bn for 6,000 Shahed drones. Russia kept those drones flying into Ukraine throughout the week, accompanied by missiles. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Dnipropetrovsk was one of Russia’s main targets for those attacks. “The danger is constant, high. Russia considers the region as one of the main targets for terrorist attacks. It is our enterprises, our economic potential, this region,” he said. Dnipropetrovsk lies at the heart of Ukraine’s territories on the left bank of the Dnipro River and sits among the contested regions of Kharkiv, Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhia and Kherson. Help from allies As if to vindicate Zaluzhny’s turn from conventional battlefield weapons, EU leaders confirmed they would not be able to provide Ukraine with 1 million artillery shells by March as promised. European foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said 330,000 had been delivered and the number would reach about 524,000 by March. “By the end of the year, the planned deliveries will reach more than 1 million because the figure in the pipeline amounts to 630,000,” Borrell said. Some estimates have put Russian artillery shell production capacity at 6 million to 7 million a year. North Korea has reportedly delivered an additional 1 million more shells. There was some good news for Ukraine on the financial front. European leaders overcame objections from Hungary to approve 50 billion euros ($54bn) in financial aid for Ukraine over the next four years. The first 4.5 billion euros ($4.85bn) was to arrive in Ukraine in March as part of a total of 18 billion euros ($19bn) for Kyiv this year. That left the EU with 20 billion euros ($21.5bn) in military aid still to approve. US senators on Sunday released a $118bn national security bill for discussion that included $60bn for Ukraine this year. US President Joe Biden, a Democrat, requested the sum late last year, but congressional Republicans had tied any Ukraine aid to increased security on the border with Mexico. Months of bipartisan negotiations produced sweeping reforms to asylum procedures, presidential parole to migrants and funding for border security. “Now all indications are this bill won’t even move forward to the Senate floor,” said Biden on Tuesday, blaming Republican presidential hopeful Donald Trump. “He’s done nothing, I’m told, than reach out to Republicans in the House and Senate and threaten and intimidate them to vote against this proposal. And it looks like they’re caving, but they owe it to
‘India Out’ campaigns simmer in Bangladesh amid election fallout
Dhaka, Bangladesh – Amid allegations of Indian interference in national elections, there’s a call to boycott Indian goods in Bangladesh. Last week, a supplier for the Indian consumer goods giant Marico faced a chilly reception in Dhaka’s Panthapath area. Grocery shops, usually eager to stock their shelves with its hair oil, cooking oil, body lotion and other products, refused to take new deliveries. “Sales of Parachute oil, a Marico bestseller, have plummeted to almost zero in recent weeks,” local shopkeeper Aman Ullah said. “Indian products just aren’t moving. We’re stuck with unsold stock and won’t be restocking.” Another shop owner who requested anonymity revealed a deeper reason: “I don’t want to sell Indian products any more.” He cited YouTube videos advocating a boycott of Indian goods, which he wholeheartedly supported. Simmering anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh has boiled over in the past decade, culminating in public displays such as celebrations in Dhaka last year after India’s loss in the Cricket World Cup final. But after last month’s elections in Bangladesh, in which Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina secured a fourth term while the opposition boycotted the polls, a massive “India Out” campaign was launched, alleging Indian interference in Bangladesh politics. The Bangladeshi diaspora and opposition groups have fuelled this anti-India movement and advocated boycotts of Indian products. This movement mirrors similar campaigns in the Maldives, where Mohamed Muizzu capitalized on anti-India sentiment to win the presidential election. In Dhaka, the campaign was launched against the backdrop of India’s traditionally strong ties with Hasina’s government and its strained relationship with the opposition, leading many to believe India favoured the status quo. Exiled Bangladeshi physician Pinaki Bhattacharya, who fled alleged government harassment in 2018, has emerged as the key figure in this burgeoning social media movement accusing India of interfering in Bangladesh’s recent elections to keep Hasina in power. Through his more than two million followers across social media platforms, Bhattacharya launched the #BoycottIndia campaign in mid-January, urging them to join “this monumental endeavour”. His call, emphasizing love of homeland and determination to break free from perceived shackles, resonated with thousands. The anti-India movement has surged online, fuelled by user-generated content. Photos of crossed-out Indian products like Amul butter and Dabur honey are circulating alongside barcode identification tips to boycott these goods. A single post highlighting the 890 prefix used in barcodes for Indian products garnered more than 1,000 shares, showcasing the movement’s online reach. Why did the campaign gain traction? The Indian High Commission in Dhaka declined Al Jazeera’s request for a comment on this anti-India campaign. At a Mumbai forum on January 30 with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, attendees raised concerns about India’s foreign policy amid perceived shifts in regional dynamics, particularly the growing pull of major rival China on neighbouring countries like Bangladesh and the Maldives. Jaishankar downplayed concerns about foreign policy shortcomings but conceded the competitive reality. He pointed out that China’s geographical proximity naturally grants it influence over neighbouring countries like the Maldives, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. Screengrab from Facebook of online movements advocating boycott of Indian products State Minister of Information and Broadcasting and lawmaker from the ruling Awami League Mohammad A Arafat, too, dismissed the concerns saying Bangladesh had received global attention because of the unprecedented fact of a fourth term for the ruling government. “If I have to talk about other country’s interest in our local politics, then the first name I would mention is the United States which even declared a Visa restriction policy based on Bangladesh election. On the other hand, India, from the very onset officially stated that Bangladesh’s election is its internal matter and it has no say in it,” Arafat said. Obaidul Quader, general secretary of Awami League told Al Jazeera that the “India out” campaign is run by opposition parties who instead of taking part in the election blaming “India for their misfortune.” “They [the opposition parties] have this trump card of bashing India if anything goes against them,” said Quader, “I don’t think common people of Bangladesh support this campaign. They know that Awami League will never work against the interest of people.” The burgeoning anti-India campaign, meanwhile, is finding traction within Bangladesh’s domestic political landscape, raising concerns about potentially destabilising Bangladesh’s economy and impacting regional relations. Gono Odhikar Parishad, a rising political force aligned with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led opposition, is promoting the boycott movement. Party leader Nurul Haque Nur declared at a recent rally in Dhaka that “We all have to start an ‘India Out’ campaign’” while alleging Indian interference in the recent elections. Rumeen Farhana, international affairs secretary of the BNP, told Al Jazeera that the people of Bangladesh never liked India’s interference in Bangladesh politics. “It’s now crystal clear that India did everything possible to keep the regime in power since 2014,” she alleged. Resentment against India reached a boiling point in Bangladesh after Hasina’s Awami League secured a resounding victory in the January 7 elections, capturing 223 seats out of 300 in parliament. Critics alleged the process lacked legitimacy due to the opposition’s boycott and the presence of numerous Awami League-backed independent candidates, raising questions about the fairness of the vote. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered swift congratulations to both Hasina and “the people of Bangladesh for the successful conduct of elections”, endorsing the outcome. In contrast, Western governments expressed reservations, highlighting the boycott and the lack of a strong opposition presence. Facebook Screengrab of calls for a boycott of Indian products in favour of Bangladeshi products Farhana said anti-India public sentiment in Bangladesh goes beyond politics. “The border killing, unresolved water sharing of 53 rivers including Teesta, trade deficit all play roles to that,” she said. Around 1,276 Bangladeshis have been killed and 1,183 injured by India’s border forces since 2010, according to human rights organisation Odhikar. Then there are the decades-old unresolved water-sharing agreements for 53 transboundary rivers in addition to Bangladesh’s massive trade deficit with India, all of which have raised concerns about Bangladesh’s sovereignty and economic independence.
Flowers, tears, tree planting in Adiyaman to remember Turkey’s earthquake
Adiyaman, Turkiye – The clock tower standing above the rubble and debris, frozen in time with its watch hands stopped at 4:17am, had become a symbol of Adiyaman’s destruction. But a year later, it is finally ticking again as usual. On the first anniversary of a double-fold earthquake that killed more than 50,000 people and left three million people displaced in Syria and Turkey, hundreds have gathered beneath Adiyaman’s clock tower – a point of reference for the city – just a few minutes before 4am. Survivors left flowers and observed a few moments of silence to mourn Adiyaman’s 8,387 victims, making it the third most affected province in Turkey after Hatay and Kahramanmaras. After an early morning spent sitting around fires warming up this cold day and recalling their traumatic memories from last year, at 7am attendees headed together to plant 100 trees, a symbol of rebirth after so much death and destruction. “We thought it was important to honour our dead, but also celebrate all those who’ve given their helping hands over the past year,” says Berfin Kilic, a native of Sanliurfa, another province of the earthquake zone. Kilic decided to move to Adiyaman a year ago to help. As her city was spared major destruction, unlike elsewhere in the region, she started volunteering for Dayanisma Insanlari, a civil society organisation coordinating humanitarian aid cooperation in the disaster area, including food distribution to survivors in tented settlements. She and a few other volunteers helped organise this commemoration, followed by a distribution of warm meals to survivors across the city, just like they did a year ago today. “Even though we have lived through a year that included pain, loss and solidarity, we have seen that we grow stronger together and give hope to each other,” says Mehmet Yilmaz, another volunteer, as he helps distribute the meals. Nejla Arslan, 30, a geography teacher and one of Adiyaman’s survivors, explains she immediately escaped the city on the morning of February 6 and found refuge at her brother’s apartment in Ankara, the capital. “I still try to be far from my city as much as possible,” she says, adding that she only returned for a few days just in time for the memorial function. Kilic says that the tragedy sparked widespread solidarity across Adiyaman, where rescue and aid came slower than in other areas, pushing locals to support each other as they could through grassroots citizen initiatives like Dayanisma Insanlari. “That gives me hope,” Kilic says smiling, as still a year later thousands of people in this Kurdish-majority city are living in temporary shelters, making them reliant on the kindness of others. Adblock test (Why?)
‘Guerilla jalsa’: How Imran Khan is fighting Pakistan election from jail
Lahore, Pakistan — It was a eureka moment for Jibran Ilyas. Like much of his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Ilyas had been swamped by a sense of uncertainty. Their charismatic leader, former Prime Minister Imran Khan, has been in jail for months. Senior party officials are in hiding. Campaigning in any meaningful way for the February 8 elections to the National Assembly and provincial legislatures appeared difficult, if not near-impossible. Then an idea struck the Chicago-based social media lead for PTI. It was December when Ilyas and his team sent across a message to Khan in jail, through the party’s lawyers. “We saw the suppression against our party. We saw how depressed the people were. We saw some of our rallies scuttled by the authorities. It made us think, what if we try to hold a ‘virtual rally’ and dodge this ban on us,” Ilyas told Al Jazeera. “He [Khan] was unclear what a virtual rally meant, and thought we would do something on Zoom. But we explained what we will do, that we will show testimonials from PTI chapters globally, and when we explained our idea, he gave the go-ahead,” the social media lead added. On December 17, the PTI held what was arguably the first “virtual rally” in Pakistan, using a platform called StreamYard, reaching an audience of over five million across various platforms. Ilyas and his team did not stop there. They had one more surprise lined up. “When we go to a PTI rally, no matter who the other speakers are, people are there to listen to our leader. With him in jail for three months, people hadn’t heard him at all. So instead, we used AI [artificial intelligence] to generate his audio clip, and played it in the virtual rally,” Ilyas said. The four-minute-long address by Khan was generated using AI, which was interspersed with clips from his past speeches, as well as video montages, and was based upon handwritten notes Khan had sent to Ilyas and his team from jail. The response, Ilyas says, was overwhelmingly positive. It was an example of how the PTI remains the technologically savviest party in the country. At a time when the PTI has faced a devastating crackdown, barred from even using its party symbol — the cricket bat — in the polls on Thursday, it is such digital tools that are helping it compete in elections that many critics have described as unfair, even engineered. “We are very driven people, and party leadership, especially our leader Khan, gave us [the social media team] free rein over how to operate. That allows us to respond quickly, and stay on top of the game,” Ilyas added. After Khan was removed from power in April 2022, his party has been protesting against the removal, which it blames on a US-led conspiracy, in collusion with Pakistan’s powerful military establishment. The crackdown further intensified last year, when Khan was arrested in May in a corruption case, which resulted in thousands of PTI supporters pouring out on the streets. They went on a rampage demanding the release of their leaders and damaged government buildings and military installations, including the house of a top commander in the eastern city of Lahore. Retribution by the military, which was once viewed as having backed Khan to power in 2018, was swift and harsh. Thousands of PTI workers were arrested, party leaders were forced to quit the party, and eventually, Khan himself was imprisoned in August last year, where he has remained since. While Khan continues to remain behind bars, as he received three convictions in multiple cases last week, his PTI has continued to persevere, despite the obstacles. When the election commission banned the party’s use of a symbol for the elections, it meant that each PTI candidate in effect would have to contest with a different symbol — and without the party’s name — in effect like independent candidates. With a literacy rate of less than 60 percent in the entire country, symbols or pictorial identifiers remain the most important markers for the public to identify the candidate or their party of choice. So, Ilyas said, the party decided to intensify its guerilla tactics. “Within a night our team came up with the idea of setting up a portal online where users can enter in the constituency number and they would receive the name of the candidate, and their symbol,” he said. Traditionally, election campaigns in Pakistan involve candidates and their teams holding street corner meetings, visiting constituents door to door to spread their message, and speaking to voters and supporters in large rallies. They put up banners and posters, and distribute pamphlets with their agendas. Others, who possess more financial resources, also advertise on mainstream media including both television and print. With most institutions of the Pakistani state cracking down on them, those options have been limited for the PTI this time, say party leaders. “We had to be nimble and think on our feet to turn this negativity around and use it as strength,” says Taimur Jhagra, a senior PTI leader, who is contesting for a provincial seat from Peshawar, the capital of the northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where the party has been in power since 2013. “When my posters were torn apart in a neighbourhood in Peshawar, I made a video with those torn posters, and told my team to upload it on our social media platforms and let the torn posters stay in place to let them speak for themselves,” Jhagra told Al Jazeera. As a result, Jhagra says, the video enabled him to attract a large number of people for what was supposed to be only a small corner meeting in another neighbourhood of his constituency. “It was a guerrilla jalsa,” Jhagra said. “We had planned to hold a small event, with barely 100 people expected to attend it. But we ended up with over a couple of thousands of people, which speaks volumes about how much
Pakistan elections 2024: How the voting works
EXPLAINER Pakistan will vote on February 8 for national and state legislatures amid political fluidity and steep economic challenges. On Thursday, 128 million Pakistanis will get to elect their country’s next government, and also the legislatures of the nation’s four provinces. These are Pakistan’s 12th general elections — and the country’s latest attempt to deepen democratic roots. Pakistan’s powerful military establishment has ruled directly for more than three decades of the country’s journey as an independent nation since 1947. And it has influenced and intervened in politics even when not directly in power — a fact acknowledged by former army chief Qamar Javed Bajwa in November 2022. Those allegations against the military’s involvement in politics have been amplified in recent weeks, amid a crackdown on former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party. Khan is in jail, unable to contest, while the PTI has been denied the use of its electoral symbol, the cricket bat. Yet, at least officially, civilian leaders have now ruled directly for the past 16 years — the longest such stretch in independent Pakistan’s history. So how will the elections on February 8 work? The when, where and what of voting Despite the lukewarm campaign season for the elections, the polls will elect a government that will be responsible for bringing stability to a country racked by a volatile political landscape, increasing incidents of violence, and an economy in turmoil. Voters will also elect legislators to their provincial assemblies. So in effect, each voter can cast two votes — one for the National Assembly, and another for the provincial assembly. The voting process is scheduled to begin at 8am (03:00 GMT) and will continue, without a break, till 5pm (12:00 GMT). Those already in the queue to vote at 5pm will be allowed to vote even if that extends the process. If some polling stations witness violence or other disruptions, officials can extend voting to allow voters to cast their ballots. The counting will begin soon after voting closes, with tentative results expected to emerge within a few hours. How are the National Assembly seats distributed? Based on the results of the national census conducted in 2023, the constituencies went through a delimitation process. The boundaries of many constituencies were altered, and the number of seats changed — coming down from 272 in total to 266 in the National Assembly. The northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province saw an increase of seats from 39 to 45. Punjab, the largest province by population, retained 141 seats. With more than half of the National Assembly seats, Punjab becomes the biggest battleground on February 8. Sindh, the second-most populous province, and Balochistan, the country’s largest but most impoverished province, both retained their previous National Assembly seats at 61 and 16, respectively. The Islamabad Capital Territory has three seats, as it did previously. In addition, 60 seats are reserved for women and 10 for minorities, which are allotted on the basis of 5 percent proportional representation in the National Assembly. What about the upper house of parliament? The Senate, the upper house of Pakistan’s parliament, has 100 seats. But unlike the National Assembly, the Senate is not elected directly. Its members are picked by the provincial assemblies. While the National Assembly has a tenure of five years, the Senate’s tenure is six years. Elections to the Senate are staggered and held every three years. The Senate, the National Assembly and the country’s provincial assemblies combine to form the electoral college, which in turn elects Pakistan’s president. What about provincial elections? In addition to electing the National Assembly, the assemblies of the four provinces – Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab and Sindh – will elect representatives, who will in turn vote in a chief minister. Proportionate to Punjab’s representation in the National Assembly, it also has the largest legislature with 371 seats. Sindh’s assembly has 168 seats, followed by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with 124 seats and Balochistan with 65. As in the National Assembly, some of the seats in the provincial legislatures are reserved for women and minorities. These are distributed proportionately to parties based on their representation in the legislature. Adblock test (Why?)