For US universities, Arab and Muslim lives do not matter
On October 7, the Tahrir Coalition, a union of pro-Palestinian organisations at the University of Michigan, posted on social media what it said was a recording of the university’s president, Santa Ono. In the audio file, a man’s voice can be heard talking about pressure from “powerful groups” and the threat of withholding federal funding if the university administration does not focus almost exclusively on combating anti-Semitism. He states: “The government could call me tomorrow and say, in a very unbalanced way, the university is not doing enough to combat anti-Semitism. And I could say it’s not doing enough to combat Islamophobia, and that’s not what they want to hear.” Although the Tahrir Coalition did not explain how they obtained the recording or when and where it was made, neither Ono, nor the university disputed its authenticity. Instead, the university administration issued a statement to the local newspaper Metro Times, saying: “The University of Michigan is steadfastly committed to ensuring our community remains a safe and supportive environment, where all students – regardless of race, religion, ethnicity or other identities – have the opportunity to learn and thrive.” The problem is that the university is not committed to the safety and support of Muslim and Arab students. Of course, we did not need the leaked recording to know that, but it does provide the general public with an explanation of the university’s utter failure to support marginalised students. Over the past year, we have watched in shock as mass slaughter has unfolded in Palestine – and, since September, in Lebanon. Israel has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians, including more than 16,000 children, and more than 2,300 Lebanese, including more than 120 children. For Palestinian and Lebanese students, the pain is acute. We have watched our homelands destroyed, our people slaughtered, tortured and starved. Yet, as we, along with many allies, have tried to process this trauma and advocate for human rights, we have been vilified and silenced on campus. Our existence has been reduced to a problem, our grief weaponised, our calls for justice criminalised. The same cannot be said about students who have actively advocated for Israel’s “right to self-defence” – a right that Israel does not have when it comes to resistance from a population it is occupying. The effect of this “unbalanced” approach is that today Muslim and Arab students face increased harassment and discrimination, and their attackers are only emboldened because they know there will be no consequences for what they do. The university’s hypocrisy became apparent to me and other Palestinian students almost immediately after October 7, 2023. On October 9, students at the Michigan Law School used the public law-open server, an email chain that connects everyone at the law school, to describe Palestinians as “animals” and their Muslim and Arab classmates as “rejoic[ing] in mass murder” and supporting rape. This language was reported to the administration, who took no action. As the greater Michigan student body started organising and protesting on campus, the university’s discrimination against marginalised students became even more apparent. It repeatedly sent campus police to disperse our protests and sit-ins, with students being physically assaulted, pepper-sprayed and arrested, while hijabs of female students were ripped off. It also ramped up surveillance. Police presence and the number of surveillance cameras around the Arab lounge on campus noticeably increased. The administration never issued any apology for nor condemnation of the extreme acts of police violence against students who were protesting a genocide that the university funds. It also did not act as accusations of anti-Semitism started being weaponised against us. It did not step in to differentiate between hatred against the Jewish people and the legitimate criticism and denunciation of genocidal Israel. It did not protect our right to protest and freedom of expression. Instead, it seemingly accepted the false equivalence of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. Over the summer, the Department of Education released a report about the supposed “failure” of the university to act on accusations of anti-Semitism. Among them were claims that anti-genocide protests created a “hostile environment” which the university did not investigate. The university easily succumbed to pressure and unilaterally changed campus policies to facilitate its crackdown on students engaging in pro-Palestinian activism. It did not consult faculty or the student body about them. The university administration has gone out of its way to address the sentiments of Jewish students on campus but has yet to utter one word to us, the Palestinians. One has to wonder how many more Palestinians have to be exterminated before Ono and the rest of the university leadership recognise our suffering, or if they even see us as human at all? Muslim, Arab and Palestinian students increasingly feel that our administration is fully comfortable with our people being slaughtered and our land being carpet-bombed. This attitude isn’t unique to the University of Michigan. Nationwide, more than 3,000 people have been arrested for pro-Palestine advocacy on college campuses in just six months. Universities that once championed free speech have become hostile environments for Muslim and Arab students and their allies. The chilling effect this has had is palpable. Many Muslim and Arab students now feel unsafe expressing their identities or views, fearing academic, legal and job prospect repercussions. For Palestinian students, this silencing is particularly traumatic – we are denied the right to mourn publicly or call for justice. Adding to our pain is the fact that our tuition dollars are invested in companies supporting violence against Muslims and Palestinians abroad. Despite protests, the University of Michigan maintains investments in companies linked to Israel, even though it was quick to divest from companies linked to Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. In response to the leaked audio, the Council on American-Islamic Relations Michigan Chapter (CAIR-MI) filed a complaint with the Department of Education Office of Civil Rights. The complaint calls for an investigation into whether the University of Michigan has followed “its obligations under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act as well as its
Gunmen kill two Mozambique opposition officials before election protests
Podemos party’s lawyer Elvino Dias and party representative Paulo Guambe killed before protests against the disputed vote. Gunmen in Mozambique have killed a leading opposition politician’s lawyer and another opposition official, according to their party, before protests against a disputed election result. The attackers chased the car of Podemos party’s lawyer Elvino Dias and party representative Paulo Guambe and fatally shot them late on Friday night in the capital Maputo, the party said on Saturday. Videos on social media showed a BMW SUV in the middle of the road with numerous bullet holes in the bodywork. Some of the videos showed what appeared to be the bodies of two men, one with blood on his chest, in the front seats. The other body was slumped over. The killings came with tensions already high in the southern African country as it waits for the results of an October 9 election that has drawn more allegations of vote-rigging and clamping down on dissent against the 49-year rule of the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo) party. Podemos has rejected provisional results showing a win for Frelimo and called for a nationwide strike on Monday. Although Venancio Mondlane ran for president as an independent, he was supported by Podemos. The killings are “further clear evidence of the lack of justice that we are all subjected to”, Podemos stated. “They were brutally assassinated [in a] cold-blooded murder,” Adriano Nuvunga, director of Mozambique’s Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CDD), told the Reuters news agency by telephone. “The indication [is] that around 10 to 15 bullets were shot, and they died instantly.” Human Rights Watch also issued a statement confirming the attack. According to the latest election tally, Frelimo is leading in all 11 provinces and its candidate Daniel Chapo is widely expected to win the election. Chapo is expected to be announced as successor to President Filipe Nyusi, who has served a maximum of two terms. Podemos and other opposition parties have accused Frelimo of electoral fraud. Western observers have also cast doubt on the polls, citing reports of vote-buying, intimidation, and inflated voter rolls in Frelimo strongholds. Mozambique has struggled with these issues since Frelimo first introduced democracy in 1994 after two decades in power. The election’s final results are expected on October 24, but there are fears Monday’s protest could be violent. Mozambique’s security forces have opened fire on political protesters in the past, including after last year’s local elections, according to rights groups. Nuvunga, the NGO director, wrote on social media that the killing of Dias was a “political assassination”. Adblock test (Why?)
How Israel is trying to generate civil strife in Lebanon
Beirut, Lebanon – On October 14, Israel killed 22 people in the northern Lebanese village of Aitou in an air attack. Israel claimed it struck a “Hezbollah target” but the attack on a predominantly Christian town has made many wonder if Israel is expanding its war to chase down Hezbollah members and mainly Shia Hezbollah supporters wherever they may have fled to. “I can only guess Israel’s motives, but obviously they are trying to make the Shia community toxic by trying to isolate them completely,” said Michael Young, a Lebanon expert for Carnegie Middle East Center. Fragile system Lebanon runs a confessional system, with political posts reserved for members of specific religious sects. The fragile system has been historically exploited by regional states for their own geopolitical goals, by dividing the country’s political factions and religious communities. In addition, each religious community typically lives in relatively segregated areas and neighbourhoods in Lebanon – largely an outcome of previous violent conflicts that degenerated into sectarian violence and led to the mass displacement of communities. The attack on Aitou harks back to Lebanon’s 15-year civil war (1975-1990) when the country got dragged into the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict and descended into multi-faceted fighting. Now, Israel’s war – ostensibly against Hezbollah – is threatening to destabilise the entire country again as a pattern emerges, beyond the Aitou attack, where Israel attacks neighbourhoods and communities that have absorbed thousands of displaced people. Analysts believe this trend reflects a sinister motive of collectively punishing Hezbollah’s Shia support base, psychologically tormenting the Lebanese populace and triggering sectarian violence. “When [Israel] is hitting [these people] in areas that are largely not Hezbollah-controlled, then more and more people from these areas will be reluctant to receive displaced Shia because they fear Israel will attack them,” Young told Al Jazeera. Lebanese army soldiers stand guard near a site of an Israeli air raid in the Christian-majority region of Aitou in north Lebanon, October 14, 2024. REUTERS/Omar Ibrahim (Reuters) Psychological warfare? The terrifying prospect that Israel could continue flattening districts across Lebanon is a clear form of psychological warfare, according to Maha Yahiya, an expert on Lebanon and the director of Carnegie Middle East Center. “This is a message to Hezbollah and to the broader [Shia] community that says: ‘We will get you wherever you are,’” Yahiya said. “On the flip side, it is aggravating sectarian tensions and triggering almost panic among the broader Lebanese populace, who are terrified of having neighbours they don’t know and who Israel may decide to target.” According to Ori Goldberg, an Israeli commentator on political affairs, Israel appears to be applying the same open-ended discourse and military tactics in Lebanon as it has done in Gaza. “Israel feels like it can target anything it regards as a military position, irrespective of who may be there, just like in Gaza. Just like what we saw in Nabatieh,” he told Al Jazeera. Nabatieh is a provincial capital in south Lebanon that Israel has indiscriminately carpet-bombed, effectively reducing it to wasteland. On October 16, an Israeli airstrike hit Nabatiyeh’s municipal headquarters, killing 16 people including the mayor. It was the largest attack on a state building since Israel first escalated its bombing campaign against Hezbollah on September 22. “[Israel thinks] that if people are near where we’re bombing, we don’t care. That’s their problem,” Goldberg told Al Jazeera. Aggravating sectarian tensions Karim Emilie Bitar, a professor of international relations at the Saint Joseph University of Beirut, believes that the areas Israel is hitting outside of south Lebanon do not have any military or strategic importance. “There seems to be an intention to foster civil strife in Lebanon,” he told Al Jazeera. “The way we can read these attacks is… that it is a message sent to Christians in particular to be careful and do not welcome these [Shia] refugees. “If [Israel] continues along this path, then it could lead to a deepening of the fault lines in Lebanon. People will become increasingly cautious, and it could sooner or later provoke serious incidents and civil strife.” In many predominantly Christian quarters of Beirut, residents and sectarian factions have begun monitoring guests and visitors in their neighbourhood, often doing background checks. In many cases, displaced people have been prohibited from moving into buildings or evicted from areas they recently moved into, according to Yahiya from the Carnegie Center. She added that people in various communities are increasingly “terrified” of having neighbours they do not know and who may be targeted by Israel. “[Israel’s tactics] have created a politics of fear,” she told Al Jazeera. “And it is stoking sectarian fire by trying to basically make other communities reject the displaced wherever they are.” epa11660666 Displaced people sit on a street in Beirut, Lebanon, 15 October 2024. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has recorded over 600,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Lebanon since the start of hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah. EPA-EFE/WAEL HAMZEH (EPA) Grand strategy? Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made his intentions known during his televised address to the Lebanese people on October 8, warning that they could face “destruction like Gaza” unless they acted now to “save Lebanon” from Hezbollah. His remarks indicated that Israel aims to reshape the politics of Lebanon, belying his earlier claims that Israel would launch a limited operation in south Lebanon to allow thousands of displaced Israelis to return to their homes in north Israel across the border. Goldberg, the commentator from Israel, believes it does not have realistic political objectives in the country. “What’s worrying is I don’t think there is an end game. Officially, [Israel] wants to establish a 10-km [6.2-mile] buffer, with 7km [4.3 miles] being held by the Lebanese Armed Forces and 3km [1.9 miles] by the Israeli army, but I don’t think that’s credible,” he told Al Jazeera. Worse yet, Goldberg believes Israel’s government is quite comfortable maintaining an indefinite war on Lebanon, just as it is doing in Gaza. “Israel wants to bomb,” he said.
Is Sudan’s army regaining ground lost in the civil war?
The war in Sudan is entering a new phase as the Sudanese army and its rival, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) fight over the capital, Khartoum, and the last contested state in the sprawling western region of Darfur. The RSF has controlled most of Khartoum ever since the war erupted in April 2023. Here’s what we know about the situation today: What was life in Khartoum like under the RSF? The armed group, headed by Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo, has looted and confiscated homes and warehouses across the capital. Whoever could flee Khartoum, has, but many others had to stay under the mercy of the RSF, which has subjected women to sexual violence and randomly rounded up and detained men for days or months. Those who lived under RSF rule say the paramilitary often killed families for refusing to hand over their daughters or mothers, as well as their homes and belongings. Has the army retaken Khartoum? On September 26, the army, which has also been criticised for human rights abuses and failure to protect civilians from the RSF, launched a sweeping offensive to retake the city. As warplanes and troops descended on Khartoum, the army finally recaptured some territory in the capital, according to local sources and reporters on the ground. The army has reportedly captured three bridges, including Halfaya, which allowed it to break an RSF siege on its military facilities in Kadroo, a nearby neighbourhood. Sudanese fighters from the Rapid Support Forces secure an area in East Nile province, Sudan, on June 22, 2019 [Hussein Malla/AP Photo] How are people reacting to the army’s advance? Most people are welcoming the army as liberators, relieved to have a semblance of stability return to their neighbourhoods. Yet despite the jubilation, the army is reportedly committing summary executions as it retakes territory – targeting people it perceives as affiliated with the RSF, according to analysts, the United Nations and local monitors. “These [executions] are definitely verified,” according to Hamid Khalafallah, a Sudan expert and PhD candidate at the University of Manchester. Al Jazeera sent written questions to Sudanese Armed Forces spokesperson Nabil Abdullah asking him to comment on the accusations. No response had been received by time of publication. Can the army retake all of Khartoum? This may be its best shot, but the battle is far from over. The army is trying to take the capital in hopes of securing leverage for future peace talks, Suliman Baldo, executive director of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker think-tank, said. “[A situation] where the army controls Khartoum would boost its morale and it may have them believe that they made enough military progress to go towards negotiations,” he told Al Jazeera. However, Khalafallah stressed, the army is still far from controlling the entire city, despite its recent advances. “It is not clear how far the army is able to advance but they are putting up a big fight,” he said. Plumes of smoke rise during clashes between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces and the army in Khartoum, Sudan, on September 26, 2024 [Stringer/Reuters] What about Darfur? The RSF is also fighting the army and its allied armed groups in el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. While the paramilitary controls four out of five Darfur states – East, West, Central and South – it has struggled to conquer North Darfur, which has put up fierce resistance. As fighting intensifies, the UN estimates that some 700,000 internally displaced people are at severe risk of being harmed in North Darfur, either from armed attacks or famine. The RSF has maintained a five-month siege on el-Fasher, which has wrought devastating suffering on civilians, according to aid groups. The aid groups added that about 2.8 million people live in and around el-Fasher, but have no means to escape. What’s more, they noted that boys were joining armed groups to earn a meagre salary, while families were marrying off young girls to have fewer mouths to feed. An internally displaced woman carries aid in sacks at a camp in Gadarif on May 12, 2024 [AFP] What’s next? The battle for Khartoum may determine the direction of the war in Sudan, according to experts. Baldo said he believes the army is trying to recapture Khartoum, as well as other major cities in north and central Sudan so it can then shift the focus of the conflict to Darfur. That’s where the RSF enjoys support from its “Arab” tribal base – a name that refers to pastoralist communities as opposed to sedentary farming communities that are often referred to as “non-Arabs”. Baldo added that the army would then try to destablise its foe. “I think the army may push for infighting [within the RSF] in Darfur,” he told Al Jazeera. Adblock test (Why?)
What is gerrymandering in US elections? What to know in 500 words
EXPLAINER Gerrymandering, the partisan redrawing of voting districts, is as old as the US and yet is still a controversial part of its elections. It’s been called vote-rigging, a power grab and just plain sneaky. But it’s legal, and both Republicans and Democrats do it. Gerrymandering, the process of redrawing voting districts to favour political parties, is almost as old as the United States and yet still very much part of the modern political process. In this year’s general election, it could affect the outcome of crucial races for the US House of Representatives as well as state legislatures. How does gerrymandering work? Generally, once a decade, states update their voting districts to reflect population changes. That’s where gerrymandering creeps into the process. Political parties try to redraw the electoral maps to give their side the greatest number of seats in state legislatures and Congress. The district boundaries are manipulated to put like-minded voters together or to split them apart, either amplifying or diluting their voting power. The results are often contorted districts with meandering boundaries drawn to include some voters and leave others out. Essentially, gerrymandering allows politicians to choose their voters instead of the other way around. The word was invented in 1812 when the governor of Massachusetts, Elbridge Gerry, redrew the electoral map for the state Senate to benefit his party. The result was an oddly shaped district that looked like a salamander. It inspired cartoonist Elkanah Tisdale to draw a mythical creature for the Boston Gazette, calling it the “Gerry-mander”. The name stuck. Forging complacent politicians? Gerrymandering is controversial — and not just because it’s a blatant grab for votes. Critics claim it can dilute the voting power of racial minorities and undermine democracy. A 2023 study by Harvard University researchers found that gerrymandering often creates “safe” seats for politicians, meaning their races are less competitive. In turn, those politicians become less responsive to the needs of their constituents, who become discouraged about voting as a result. At least eight states have clear language in their constitutions against the partisan redrawing of voting districts. Others use independent commissions to make the changes. But the majority of states lack safeguards. National efforts in the last Congress also failed to ban partisan gerrymandering. In 2019, the US Supreme Court ruled it’s up to state courts to deal with legal battles over voting maps. So now, it’s a state-by-state fight over the role of partisan politics in voting districts — with some recent rulings potentially affecting the outcome of the 2024 election. For example, in South Carolina, a new voting map has turned a swing district into a safer Republican one, causing outrage among voting rights advocates. In Louisiana and Alabama, meanwhile, newly drawn maps could mean at least one more House seat in each state for Democrats. And in North Carolina, the state supreme court ruled in favour of a gerrymandered congressional map, possibly giving Republicans three more House seats. Each of those races is significant: Control over the US House of Representatives is decided by district-level votes, with the fate of national legislation hanging in the balance. Adblock test (Why?)
Muslims join Buddhist, Christian fighters to topple Myanmar’s military
Myanmar – Scattered across the lush, rolling hills of southern Myanmar’s Tanintharyi region, rebel fighters stationed at checkpoints inspect cars and trucks traveling towards a nearby town still under the control of the Myanmar military – their adversary. While this is a familiar sight in the region, where the struggle against the military waged by disparate armed groups has intensified since the 2021 coup, what sets these rebels apart is their faith. These are members of the little-known “Muslim Company”, who have joined the struggle for democracy in Myanmar as part of a Christian- and Buddhist-dominated armed group – the Karen National Union (KNU). Officially named 3rd Company of Brigade 4 in the KNU, the 130 soldiers of the Muslim Company are just a fraction of the tens of thousands fighting to overthrow the country’s military rulers. With their story largely untold, Al Jazeera visited the company’s headquarters, nestled between the ridges of jungle-clad mountains at an undisclosed location in Myanmar’s south, to piece together an almost forgotten thread in the intricate tapestry of Myanmar’s conflict. “Some areas are focused on ethnicities having their own states,” Muslim Company leader Mohammed Eisher, 47, explained, referring to the armed resistance movements who have long fought against Myanmar’s military. In Tanintharyi, Eisher said, no one group dominates the land and, besides, the military’s repression affects all groups. “As long as the military remains in place, Muslims, and everybody else, will be oppressed,” he said. Fighters in 3rd Company pray at the mosque in their main camp in southern Myanmar [Lorcan Lovett/Al Jazeera] While Eisher said he hopes the acceptance of diversity within the anti-military forces would help ease cultural and regional tensions that have previously led to conflict in Myanmar, scholars say the embrace of the Muslim Company underlines the inclusive nature of the historic uprising taking place, and the incorporation of previously marginalised groups into the struggle. Diverse lines of descent Myanmar’s Muslims trace diverse lines of descent. They include the Rohingya in the west of the country, Muslims with Indian and Chinese heritage, and the Kamein, whose ancestors are believed to have been archers of a Mughal prince seeking refuge in the Arakan kingdom in the 17th century, and which is now part of Myanmar. In Tanintharyi, where the Muslim Company is based, some Muslims are descended from Arab, Persian and Indian traders, while others are Burmese Malays, known as Pashu. The region’s ethnic diversity also includes Karen and Mon, as well as Bamar sub-ethnicities from the cities of Dawei and Myeik, among others. While their uniforms bear the KNU insignia, the Muslim soldiers of 3rd Company carry a star and crescent moon badge in their bags, symbolizing their lineage from the All Burma Muslim Liberation Army (ABMLA) – the country was called “Burma” before it was re-named “Myanmar”. Soldiers in 3rd Company, known as ‘Muslim Company’, rest while recovering from illness at their barracks in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi region [Lorcan Lovett/Al Jazeera] In their main camp, hijab head coverings and thobes – long-sleeved ankle-length traditional robes often worn by men and women in Muslim countries – are common attire. Recitals of Quranic verses ring out from a mosque, while prayer mats are laid out at remote rebel outposts. Throughout the holy month of Ramadan, the company’s fighters observe fasting and attend daily prayers. Successive military-led governments in Myanmar, together with hardline nationalist monks, have portrayed Muslims as a grave threat to Burmese Buddhist culture. That has resulted in Muslim communities, with roots spanning more than a millennium in Myanmar, facing scapegoating, religious suppression and denial of citizenship. “It’s dangerous to generalize, but Muslims in Myanmar are highly vulnerable and have been exposed to significant violence,” Myanmar scholar Ashley South said. “In Karen areas, however, one often finds communities living peacefully – and it is significant that Muslim refugees moved tentatively to KNU-controlled areas, sometimes in preference to other groups,” South said. He added that the inclusion of groups previously alienated by Myanmar’s fractious politics is a defining trait of the current revolution, which has made strong gains against the military since it grabbed power in 2021. History of Muslim resistance The Muslims who resisted the military following its overthrow of Myanmar’s elected government three years ago and then found their way to 3rd Company, are not the first to rise against repression. Among those fleeing the anti-Muslim riots of August 1983 in what was then Moulmein – now called Mawlamyine – in lower Burma, a small group of refugees formed the Kawthoolei Muslim Liberation Front (KMLF) in KNU-held territory. The KNU trained about 200 KMLF fighters, but disputes between Sunni and Shia leaders eventually fragmented the group. In 1985, some KMLF fighters moved south to Tanintharyi, founding the ABMLA. After decades of sporadic clashes with the military, they officially became 3rd Company, known colloquially as the “Muslim Company”. That was about 2015, after the KNU’s ceasefire with the military ended, according to an administrator who has been with the group since 1987. With military atrocities having devastated families across Myanmar since the recent takeover, Myanmar’s army is now anathema not only to Muslims and ethnic minorities but to most of the population, the administrator said. “The [2021] coup opened a path to freedom for everybody,” he added, speaking to Al Jazeera as he sat on a hammock above a pair of military boots taken from a captured government base. About 20 women serve in 3rd Company, including 28-year-old Thandar*, a medic who joined in October 2021. After completing combat training under the KNU, Thandar told how she heard about the Muslim force and decided to sign up. Thandar has served in 3rd Company since October 2021 [Lorcan Lovett/Al Jazeera] “I’ll work here until the revolution is over,” she said, smiling at their commander, Eisher. “He’s like my new father now,” she said. Among other things, belonging to a like-minded company of fighters “made it easier to have a halal diet”, she said. “Plus, I’m with fellow Muslims,” she added. “It’s
Newspaper offices hit by gunfire in Mexico’s Sinaloa state capital
Gunmen shoot at office building of respected Mexican newspaper in Sinaloa capital Culiacan. Gunmen have fired on a building housing the respected Mexican media outlet El Debate as part of an ongoing drug cartel battle. The media building was sprayed with gunfire on Friday and several cars outside were also damaged. The paper said no one was injured in the attack. The El Debate newspaper is based in the state capital Culiacan, where there has been a surge in violent gun battles between rival gangs of the Sinaloa Cartel since September. The newspaper has been publishing stories about the gang attacks in the northwestern state. El Debate said the assailants arrived in two vehicles and stopped briefly in front of the building. One gunman got out and opened fire with a rifle before they sped off. Journalists threatened Threats against journalists and their sources have increased since the latest round of fighting broke out. Journalists have reported being stopped by gunmen on roadways outside Culiacan and told they could not cover the continuing gun battles happening on the outskirts. The Mexican Media Alliance, a press freedom group, calls this shooting “a direct attack against press freedom and right of the public to be informed”. Being a journalist in Mexico is dangerous business, according to Reporters Without Borders. The organisation has documented the death and disappearance of reporters in the country. In the last six years alone, 37 have been killed and five have disappeared. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has said she “condemns” the attack against El Debate. Her government has sent military personnel with armoured vehicles and high-powered weapons to Sinaloa to protect the population, but the troops have struggled to quell the violence. Adblock test (Why?)
Justin Trudeau is a nauseating hypocrite
You know it’s bound to be serious when one politician holds a news conference and orders two other politicians to stand slightly behind him like mannequins while he reads from a prepared statement. That bit of staged solemnity took place earlier this week at the home of staged solemnity – Ottawa – when Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was flanked by two mute, grim-looking cabinet ministers, Foreign Minister Melanie Joly and Public Safety Minister Dominic LeBlanc. All the choreographed scene was missing was a drum roll or a fanfare commensurate with the affected profundity of the occasion. The Liberal Party’s former prince is facing a mutiny organised by a host of anxious backbenchers worried about losing their jobs – in light of public opinion polls suggesting that Trudeau’s government is listing so badly that much of the caucus is reportedly grasping for the nearest life jacket or, preferably, a large lifeboat to accommodate them all. So, in a likely futile attempt to resuscitate his on-life-support political prospects and prove to Canada’s largely white, male cognoscenti that he still has the right stuff to remain prime minister – for the time being, at least – charming, effervescent Trudeau has channeled in tough, resolute Trudeau. In effect, the prime minister declared diplomatic war on India – an emerging superpower and a supposed ally – based on “evidence” gathered by the country’s dysfunctional, scandal-racked police force, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). That “evidence,” Trudeau said, allegedly establishes that Indian “agents” have orchestrated a clandestine campaign “that pose[s] a significant threat to public safety”. For its part, the RCMP claims that India’s covert schemes amount to “serious criminal activity in Canada” involving coercion, threats, and the murder of Canadian citizens on Canadian soil. Aside from a bunch of cops and politicians, no one has seen so much as a morsel of the “evidence” to assess its strength – but I digress. Trudeau said he asked New Delhi to play nice and help the RCMP out by cooperating with its ongoing probes. New Delhi, unsurprisingly, told Trudeau and company to take a long, lonely hike – to put it charitably. Cue the diplomatic war. Trudeau kicked out six Indian diplomats posted in Canada, including India’s high commissioner. India, in a predictable retort, ordered six Canadian diplomats to pack their bags and head promptly home. The aforementioned white, male cognoscenti – who cheer on wars of any sort – applauded Trudeau for standing up to state-sanctioned “terrorism” and insisted that India would “pay a heavy price” for doing what the prime minister and the RCMP believe New Delhi’s agents are doing to Canadians in Canada – even though none of them are privy to the shrouded-in-secrecy “evidence”. As I said, Canada’s white, male cognoscenti just love war – diplomatic or otherwise. But here is the nauseating rub. Trudeau, his cabinet, and the familiar roster of obsequious columnists and on-TV-all-the-time commentators are rank hypocrites. They will, of course, refuse to acknowledge this because they are incapable of introspection, let alone recognising the blaring, prima facie proof of their rank hypocrisy. In defending his decision to expel India’s diplomats, Trudeau said “Canada is a country rooted in the rule of law, and the protection of our citizens is paramount.” Sure it is. Trudeau’s I’m-going-to-hold-the bad-guys-who-do-bad-things-to-Canadians-to-account tough-guy strutting is limited, apparently, by geography and which close “ally” is responsible for harming citizens he is charged, as prime minister, with protecting. Canada’s white, male cognoscenti did not bother to listen carefully to all Trudeau said before reaching for their pom poms. “We will never tolerate the involvement of a foreign government in threatening and killing Canadian citizens on Canadian soil – a deeply unacceptable violation of Canada’s sovereignty and of international law,” Trudeau said. Let me paraphrase Trudeau for the hard of hearing. If any country, especially Israel, threatens, coerces or kills Canadians in Lebanon or what remains of the human hellscape known as occupied Gaza, I’m not going to do a damn thing about it. Oh sure, I might have my inconsequential foreign minister write a tweet or two “condemning” the killing by Israel of an elderly Canadian couple as they sought safe haven and approve of her making a short phone call to offer condolences to the surviving family. Beyond that farcical bit of performative nonsense, my government and I have, in fact, enshrined Israel’s licence to kill Canadians with impunity because our dear beloved friend, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, would never, ever break the rules of war or international law. Despite my tough-guy talk, Foreign Minister Joly and I will indeed “tolerate” the killing of Canadians by a “foreign government” as long as it doesn’t perpetrate its [war] crimes “on Canadian soil”. You see, in our duplicitous view, that doesn’t constitute an “unacceptable violation” of “international law”. Remember, Israel has the absolute, unquestionable right to defend itself and a few dead Canadians – blown into charred, unrecognisable bits that require DNA testing to confirm their identities – won’t change our myopic minds. Goodness knows, we can’t risk having the usual apoplectic suspects inside and outside Parliament accusing my prostrate government of being anti-Semites or siding with “terrorists”. De facto: We won’t be summoning Israel’s ambassador to Canada to Global Affairs HQ for a stiff talking-to or kicking out Israeli diplomats in response to the killing of three Canadians in Lebanon by its military over the past few weeks. Is that clear, everyone? If my rendering of the true meaning of Trudeau’s cynical, calibrated remarks offend his soon-to-be-unemployed toadies or any member of Canada’s white, male commentariat, then I urge them to speak with Kamal Tabaja, the eldest son of 74-year-old Hussein and 69-year-old Daad Tabaja, who were incinerated by an Israeli missile fired by an Israeli pilot in late September. That’s a rhetorical request because Trudeau has already forgotten about their killing. And the columnists rushing to pen pieces excoriating India’s alleged crimes have never, and will never, demand that Israel “pay a heavy price” or denounce its documented crimes – whether the victims are
South Korea’s spy agency says North Korea sending troops to Russia
Russian navy ships moved 1,500 North Korean soldiers to Vladivostok, South Korea’s National Intelligence Service confirmed. North Korea has dispatched troops to support Russia’s war against Ukraine, South Korea’s spy agency has said. The National Intelligence Service (NIS) confirmed in a statement on Friday that Russian navy ships transferred 1,500 North Korean special operations forces to the Russian port city of Vladivostok from October 8 to October 13. It said more North Korean soldiers are expected to be sent to Russia soon. The development could draw a third country into the conflict and further escalate tensions between North Korea and the West. The NIS reported that North Korean soldiers sent to Russia have been provided with Russian military uniforms, weapons and forged identification documents. Currently stationed at military bases in Vladivostok and other locations such as Ussuriysk, Khabarovsk and Blagoveshchensk, they are expected to be deployed to combat zones once their training is complete. The spy agency posted on its website satellite and other photos showing what it called Russian navy ship movements near a North Korean port and suspected North Korean mass gatherings in Ussuriysk and Khabarovsk in the past week. At a news conference on Friday, NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said he “could not yet confirm North Korea is sending troops to Russia”. South Korean media, citing the NIS, also reported that Pyongyang has decided to dispatch a total of 12,000 soldiers in four brigades to Russia. The NIS did not immediately confirm those reports. This handout from the National Intelligence Service released on October 18, 2024, shows a satellite image by Airbus Defence and Space of Russia’s Khabarovsk military facility, where the agency said North Korean personnel gathered within the training ground on October 16, 2024 [Handout/AFP] ‘Serious security threat’ South Korea’s President Yoon Suk-yeol convened an emergency security meeting on Friday on the move, where it was acknowledged that the close military ties between Russia and North Korea had gone “beyond the transfer of military supplies”. “The current situation, in which the rapprochement between Russia and North Korea has led to the delivery of military equipment and the actual deployment of troops, poses a serious security threat not only to our country but also to the international community,” his office said in a statement. Ukrainian media reported that six North Korean soldiers were killed in a Ukrainian missile attack on Russian-occupied territory near Donetsk on October 3. Russia has denied using North Korean troops in the war, with Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov describing the claims as “another piece of fake news” during a news conference last week. On Thursday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said his government has intelligence indicating that 10,000 North Korean soldiers are being prepared to join Russian forces in the fight against Ukraine. He warned that the involvement of a third nation could escalate the conflict into a “world war”. The United States-based Institute for the Study of War think tank also said that several thousand North Korean soldiers had arrived in Russia and were being prepared for their deployment in Ukraine. Pyongyang and Moscow have been allies since North Korea’s founding after World War II and have drawn even closer since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. South Korea, backed by the US, claims that Pyongyang has become a major supplier to Russia of weapons being used in Ukraine. The two countries have denied the allegations. During a meeting in Pyongyang in June, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a pact stipulating mutual military assistance if either country is attacked, in what was considered the two countries’ biggest defence deal since the end of the Cold War. Tensions on the Korean Peninsula have risen in recent months amid weapons tests in North Korea and large-scale military exercises in South Korea. Adblock test (Why?)
Why almost eight million Venezuelans have fled their country
We speak with young Venezuelans about life in the country and their hopes for the future. In this episode of The Stream, we look into Venezuela’s displacement crisis (almost eight million people have left the country in the past decade) through the perspective of young Venezuelans who stayed behind. We discuss life under President Nicolas Maduro, re-elected in July, and the nation’s struggles with hyperinflation and economic collapse. While some blame Maduro for the crisis, others point to foreign intervention. We hear from young Venezuelans about their hopes for the future and what changes are needed for the country to thrive. Presenter: Anelise Borges Guests:German Rodriguez – Universidad Central de Venezuela studentSamuel Urbina – DiplomatCamila Godoy – Psychologist Adblock test (Why?)